Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
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391 Documents
<![CDATA[BREXIT: Pelajaran bagi ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Nanda, Bima Jon]]>;
<![CDATA[Permata, Inda Mustika]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.61104
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the Brexit phenomenon and lessons can be learned for ASEAN regional cooperation. Brexit or Britain Exit is the phenomenon when Britain ceased being a member of the European Union (EU). The main reason for British escape from the EU through referendum is immigrant issues. Besides, they are not too well informed about the EU and only see the negative impact of the EU on the UK. The conditions faced by the UK are essentially driven by single European market policy. So the flow of capital, goods, services, and workers can move freely in the EU member states. ASEAN has reached the similar level of integration through the AEC in 2015, therefore ASEAN should take lessons from the Brexit phenomenon since the same thing might happen to ASEAN. Knowledge or information of a regional cooperation is important to note for the ASEAN society to create mutual understanding among ASEAN community. Ignorance will result in fear and prejudice against particular policies of a regional cooperation. Tulisan ini membahas fenomena Brexit dan pelajaran yang bisa diambil oleh kerja sama regional ASEAN. Brexit atau Britain Exit merupakan fenomena keluarnya Inggris dari keanggotaan Uni Eropa. Isu imigran menjadi alasan utama masyarakat Inggris melakukan referendum untuk keluar dari Uni Eropa. Namun faktanya, warga Inggris sendiri tidak terlalu mengetahui apa itu Uni Eropa dan pendapat masyarakat Inggris justru melihat Uni Eropa membawa dampak negatif pada Inggris. Kondisi yang dihadapi Inggris pada dasarnya dipicu kebijakan single market sehingga arus modal, barang, jasa, dan pekerja dapat dengan bebas bergerak di negara-negara anggota Uni Eropa. ASEAN pada tahun 2015 mencapai tingkat integrasi yang hampir sama melalui ASEAN Economic Community, ASEAN harus dapat mengambil pelajaran dari fenomena Brexit bahwa hal yang sama mungkin terjadi di ASEAN. Pengetahuan atau informasi dari suatu kerja sama regional penting untuk diketahui bagi masyarakat di regional tersebut. Ketidaktahuan akan berakibat pada ketakutan dan prasangka terhadap kebijakan tertentu dari suatu kerja sama regional. ASEAN bisa saja menghadapi hal yang sama melalui AEC, sehingga Brexit memberikan pelajaran dan beberapa catatan bagi kerja sama regional ASEAN, tentang pentingnya pengetahuan terkait ASEAN kepada masyarakat ASEAN itu sendiri.]]>
<![CDATA[Dinamika Penegakan Hukum Humaniter Internasional: Analisis Kehadiran PMSC dalam Konflik Non-Internasional di Libanon, Somalia, dan Ukraina ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuniasih, Tulus]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.5299
<![CDATA[The article aims to discuss the private military and security companies/PMSC, International Humanitarian Law/IHL and the fourth generation warfare/4GW in contemporary non-international armed conflict. Discussion on PMSC varies in terms of its contribution to the development of weapon system and intelligence gathering in combating terrorism, and of its violation towards humanity that has caused civilian casualties. Meanwhile, IHL is present to regulate the primary actors of international and non-international armed conflict, and to protect civilians in both conflicts. The dynamics of contemporary conflict, especially the asymmetrical non-international armed conflict, is also influenced by the rapid development of information and communication technology. This affects the popularity of the use of and debate on the definition of 4GW and its relevance to the contemporary conflict. This article also analyses the presence of PMSC on the dynamics of respect towards IHL in non-international armed conflict during the period of 2009-2014. The qualitative analysis would be especially conducted under the concept of international law and PMSC as two of the conceptual frameworks. Secondary data is collected on three main variables. The results show that PMSC creates both pontentials and challenges to the effort of upholding IHL in three non-international conflict areas, i.e. Lebanon, Somalia, and Ukraine. In relation to 4GW, PMSC also reflects some characterisation of 4GW trends in such contemporary conflict. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mendiskusikan perusahaan swasta dalam bidang militer dan keamanan (private military and security companies/PMSC), hukum humaniter internasional (International Humanitarian Law/IHL), dan perang generasi keempat (fourth generation warfare/4GW) dalam konflik bersenjata non-internasional kontemporer. Diskusi mengenai PMSC beragam pada sisi kontribusinya kepada pengembangan sistem persenjataan dan pengumpulan data intelijen dalam rangka melawan terorisme, serta pada sisi pelanggaran terhadap kemanusiaan yang telah mengakibatkan korban sipil. Sementara itu, terdapat IHL yang mengatur para aktor dalam konflik baik itu internasional maupun non-internasional dalam rangka melindungi warga sipil pada keduanya. Dinamika konflik kontemporer terutamanya yang bersifat non-internasional dan asimetris juga dipengaruhi oleh perkembangan pesat teknologi informasi dan komunikasi. Hal ini mendorong perdebatan terkait relevansi 4GW dalam konflik kontemporer. Tulisan ini kemudiannya menganalisis kehadiran PMSC terhadap dinamika penegakan IHL dalam konflik non-internasional kontemporer pada tahun 2009-2014. Analisis kualitatif akan dilakukan terutamanya dengan menggunakan konsep hukum internasional dan PMSC. Data sekunder yang dikumpulkan fokus kepada tiga variabel utama tersebut di atas. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa PMSC tidak hanya memberikan potensi kontribusi tetapi juga tantangan kepada upaya menegakkan IHL pada tiga area konflik non-internasional, yaitu Libanon, Somalia dan Ukraina. Terkait dengan 4GW, kehadiran PMSC juga mencerminkan beberapa karakter tren 4GW dalam konflik kontemporer.]]>
<![CDATA[European Union Financial Crisis: A Marxist Analysis ]]>
<![CDATA[Farneubun, Petrus K]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0086.60-66
<![CDATA[European financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the fundamental structure of the European Union, political and financial institutions, as well as the values that bind European together. Different factors have been suggested as the causes of the crisis notably the failure of national government and economic policies. Responding to the crisis, numerous attemps have been proposed to accelerate the recovery, but the crisis still hit Eurozone and brought serious consequences politically and economically. In one side, the crisis severely damages some EU member economy but on the other side, the crisis advantages the other members. Such an inequality not only leads to the crisis but also exacerbate the crisis. Having said that, this paper will demonstrate that marxian conceptual model of inequality or constructed economic imbalance provides a better explanation regarding the causes ofthe crisis. Using marxist theoretical framework, this article will further show that introduction of Euro, the accumulation of profit and capital as well as the current European financial system built upon the spirit of capitalism and neoliberalism as the key factors contributing to the crisis and creating inequality.]]>
<![CDATA[Eropanisasi ‘Eksternal’ dalam Kebijakan Sistem Verifikasi Legalitas Kayu (SVLK) di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Basith, Andi Akhmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0078.179-191
<![CDATA[The establishment of Indonesian timber verification system, which was started by VPA negotiations in 2007, is followed by the signing and ratification of the agreement leading to the inception of a national timber regime thereafter. It can be seen as a positive effort in tackling illegal trade in timber and illegal logging in Indonesia. Nevertheless, the study about the creation of Indonesian timber regime should not be separated from the role of the European Union (EU) as the actor contributes greatly in introducing and developing the regime in Indonesia. From a unique standpoint, the establishment of the regime in Indonesia can be seen as EU’s success in bringing and implementing EU’s timber standards to the outward area, which is in essence, not within its sovereign territory and legal jurisdiction. This study aims to assess the extent to which the EU is involved in influencing and affecting the creation of Indonesian timber regulation of SVLK in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat dalam Sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada Masa Pemerintahan Presiden Barack Obama ]]>
<![CDATA[Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar]]>;
<![CDATA[Ndadari, Gebyar Lintang]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.61100
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the United States (U.S.) involvement in the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. It argues that U.S. involvement has strong reasons and gives significant impact on the region. Jurisdictional claims in the SCS amongst claimants have increased the military activities in the region.Therefore, U.S. needs to increase its presence and involvement in the disputed area. These actions are intended to maintain U.S. interests in the region and secure its national security in the SCS, especially to preserve American global leadership and to maintain peace and stability. Using the concept of balance of power and national security, this article explains that U.S. involvement causes the status quo in the SCS. Although the U.S. is working closely with the Philippines and Vietnam to be a balance of power in the region, U.S. involvement does not use the military power or conflict against China in the SCS.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis keterlibatan Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS). Artikel ini berargumen bahwa keterlibatan AS tersebut memiliki alasan yang kuat dan memberi pengaruh yang signifikan atas situasi yang terjadi di kawasan tersebut. Klaim tumpang-tindih enam pihak atau negara atas wilayah LTS telah meningkatkan ketegangan di kawasan. Hal itu membuat AS memperkuat kehadiran dan keterlibatannya di kawasan tersebut. Keterlibatan AS merupakan bagian dari upaya AS untuk memelihara keamanan dan kepentingan nasional atas LTS, serta menjaga kepemimpinan global, perdamaian, dan stabilitas di kawasan. Dengan menggunakan konsep perimbangan kekuatan dan keamanan nasional, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan AS menyebabkan status quo atas apa yang terjadi dalam wilayah LTS. Meskipun AS bekerja sama dengan Filipina dan Vietnam untuk menjadi kekuatan penyeimbang kekuatan di kawasan, namun keterlibatan AS tidak sampai pada penggunaan kekuatan militer atau konflik terbuka melawan Tiongkok di LTS.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Ekonomi China di Negara-Negara Teluk ]]>
<![CDATA[Cipto, Bambang]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.5294
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyse the diplomatic relation between China and the gulf states which incorporated to Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The absence of England from this region in late 1960s was marked by the changing of China relation to the gulf states. However, as the pro-communist policy by China had spread over the world, the gulf country were reluctant to open diplomatic relation with China immediately. Therefore, this situation has made the changes went slowly. The spreading of the external threat from Soviet Union Communism in Iraq, became a strong consideration for Kuwait to eventually open the diplomatic relation to China before the other gulf state.Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis hubungan diplomasi antara China dan negara-negara Teluk yang tergabung dalam Dewan Kerjasama Teluk (Gulf Cooperation Council/GCC). Keluarnya Inggris dari kawasan Teluk pada akhir dekade 60-an ditandai, antara lain, dengan perubahan hubungan China dan negara-negara Teluk. Namun perubahan ini berlangsung cukup lambat karena masa lalu kebijakan pro-komunis China di berbagai belahan dunia membuat negara-negara Teluk tidak segera membuka hubungan diplomasi dengan China pada saat itu. Kuwait merupakan sebuah perkecualian karena kekhawatiran Kuwait terhadap melebarnya pengaruh Uni Soviet di Iraq yang cenderung pro-Uni Soviet. Kekhawatiran terhadap ancaman eksternal ini menjadi alasan kuat bagi Kuwait untuk mendahalui rekan-rekannya sesama negara Teluk dalam membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan China.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN Economic Community And Small-Medium Enterprises: An English School Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Robertua, Verdinand]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0082.22-29
<![CDATA[Accounting for 30-60% of GDP of ASEAN member states and the largest source of employment for all economic actors, small medium enterprises is a very important economic actor in Southeast Asia. The SME sector in ASEAN, however, is confronted with a wide-range of structural, financial and other challenges, among which are limited access to finance, technologies and markets. ASEAN has many important roles in developing SMEs. ASEAN institutions can guide, direct, and fund many development programmes related to SMEs. Moreover, AEC, a new set of regional liberalization package, will have important consequences to SMEs’ growth in the ASEAN member states. Therefore this paper will ask the impact of AEC to SMEs in ASEAN member states using English School Theory. It also asks the role of ASEAN in promoting SME development toward AEC. In this paper, interview and content analysis will do as the main data source. This paper concluded that ASEAN has developed a comprehensive empowerment plan through Strategic Action Plan for ASEAN SME Development but lack of coordination between ASEAN institutions has hindered the full implementation of the plan.]]>
<![CDATA[Faktor Geografis dan Konsepsi Peran Nasional sebagai Sumber Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Haryanto, Agus]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0074.136-147
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the geographical factor as the source of the national role conception and foreign policy of a country. Indonesia has realized his strategic geographic location that laid between two oceans and two continents since the early days of independence. Indonesia is also aware of the geographical features as an archipelagic state. Its raises awareness of Indonesia to keep his territory for the declaration of Djuanda. This paper explore the Indonesian foreign policy that still using geographical factor as a source of foreign policy. This can be seen from the efforts of Indonesia continues to participate in various regional issues that could potentially interfere the sovereignty of Indonesia such as the disputed South China Sea and East China Sea. Indonesia also seeks active in border diplomacy to ensure the sovereignty of its territory.]]>
<![CDATA[Karakter Diplomasi Publik Indonesia terhadap Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmawati, Iva]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.61105
<![CDATA[Public diplomacy, as an effort to maintain the system of inter-state relations and also its existence in the international environment, refers to the communicative activities of the state as well as the domestic public to the public outside the state. Public diplomacy then becomes a supportive tool for maintaining inter-state relations and avoiding conflicts arising between countries. However, in Indonesia-Malaysia relations, the practice of public diplomacy tends to lead to negative actions in influencing relations. This article shows that negative Indonesian public diplomacy towards Malaysia has been influenced by distinctive characters, reactive and inferior. Those characters were formed by historical frame on collective memory which collide Malaysian NEP impact. As a result, public diplomacy does not exist as a bridge to maintain relationships positively but rather tends to be practised through negative communication forms. This article is a result of qualitative research methods based on interviews and literature studies. Diplomasi publik, sebagai upaya untuk memelihara sistem relasi antar negara dan juga keberadaannya dalam lingkungan internasional yang merujuk pada aktfitas komunikatif publik domestik suatu negara terhadap publik di luar negara. Diplomasi publik kemudian menjadi alat yang suportif untuk menjaga relasi antar negara dan menghindarkan negara dari konflik akibat persoalan yang muncul antar negara. Namun, pada relasi Indonesia-Malaysia, praktik diplomasi publik cenderung mengarah pada tindakan-tindakan yang negatif dalam memengaruhi relasi. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik-praktik diplomasi publik Indonesia terhadap Malaysia yang negatif tersebut dipengaruhi oleh karakter yang khas, yaitu karakter reaktif dan inferior. Karakter tersebut terbentuk oleh bingkai sejarah pada memori kolektif yang bertemu dengan dampak NEP Malaysia. Akibatnya, diplomasi publik tidak hadir sebagai jembatan untuk memelihara relasi secara positif melainkan cenderung dipraktikkan melalui bentuk-bentuk komunikasi yang negatif. Artikel ini merupakan hasil riset yang dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif berdasar pada wawancara dan studi literatur.]]>
<![CDATA[Pendekatan Konstruktivis dalam Kajian Diplomasi Publik Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmawati, Iva]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.5290
<![CDATA[Rationalist approach remains dominant in the research of Indonesian public diplomacy. Therefore, public diplomacy is always used as a tool to gain the national interests through a particular image. In such framing, all activities in public diplomacy are intended for the state’s positive image. Besides, Rationalist still puts state as the main actor in public diplomacy. Domestic dimension did not have the same position as the state in interpreting international phenomena. Whereas, each actor has the same access to information and communication nowadays. Rationalist has given dialogue as an important contribution to public diplomacy strategy. Dialogue is one of the communication forms which have a capability to build trust between actors. Several problems in limiting the development of public diplomacy concept become a reference for proposing Constructivist as an alternative approach. This approach will help understanding public diplomacy more by putting the consciousness of the difference of national identity and relationship building as the main purposes. Several empirical studies showed that national identity preservation had already held by not only a state but also domestic dimension. This approach will give domestic dimension a wider room in public diplomacy as well as the state in interpreting international phenomenon. Dalam kajian-kajian diplomasi publik Indonesia, pendekatan rasionalis masih merupakan pendekatan yang dominan. Akibatnya, diplomasi publik selalu diletakkan sebagai alat untuk meraih kepentingan nasional melalui citra tertentu. Pembingkaian diplomasi publik semacam ini mengarahkan sejumlah kegiatan yang dilakukan dalam diplomasi publik semata-mata demi meraih citra positif negara tersebut. Di samping itu, pendekatan ini juga masih menempatkan negara sebagai aktor utama dalam diplomasi publik. Dimensi domestik belum mendapat tempat sebagai aktor yang sejajar dalam menginterpretasi fenomena antar negara. Sementara itu pada kenyataannya, setiap aktor memiliki akses yang sama dalam informasi dan komunikasi. Rasionalis memang telah memberi kontribusi penting dalam strategi dalam diplomasi publik, yaitu dialog, dimana komunikasi dalam bentuk dialog mampu menumbuhkan kepercayaan antar aktor. Beberapa hal yang dirasa membatasi perkembangan konsepsi diplomasi publik menjadi rujukan melalui artikel ini untuk mengusulkan pendekatan Konstruktivis dalam memahami diplomasi publik. Pendekatan tersebut meletakkan kesadaran atas perbedaan identitas nasional dan relationship building sebagai tujuan utamanya. Beberapa kajian empiris menunjukkan bahwa upaya memelihara identitas nasional telah dilakukan oleh tidak saja negara tetapi juga dimensi domestik. Dengan demikian, pendekatan ini memberikan ruang bagi dimensi domestik sebagai aktor di samping negara dalam diplomasi publik]]>
