Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Articles
391 Documents
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Digital Diplomacy: Problems and Challenges ]]>
<![CDATA[Madu, Ludiro]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71121
<![CDATA[This paper explains the recent development of Indonesia’s digital diplomacy—which Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has conducted—in responding to the growing challenges of information, communication, and technology (ICT) towards its national interest. The use of the internet and its social media has definitely changed the practices of diplomacy among sovereign states, including Indonesia. Analyzing the issue within the interplay between internet and diplomacy, this paper looks at the way Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats have kept up with the rapid development of the ICT by mastering the use of internet in winning people’s hearts and minds. Tracing back the MOFA’s policies and implementations of digital diplomacy through its website and other platforms of social media reveals its strong commitment in using digital diplomacy in managing its foreign relations in the recent internet era. Digital diplomacy has presented several benefits for having direct and interactive communication with foreign audiences. In addition, Indonesia’s digital diplomacy has also had to deal with various problems which are closely related to the increasing use of internet among states and non-state actors—both in domestic and international levels—which may put risk to state-to-state relations. Therefore, this paper argues that the response of Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats towards the increasing use of digital diplomacy would determine its capability in managing various problems and challenges of international relations in the recent internet era.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Hubungan Sipil-Militer terhadap Perubahan Kebijakan Pertahanan Jepang di Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadilah, Edta Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71123
<![CDATA[The change in defense policy that occurred during Shinzo Abe's reign in 2015 produced many pros and cons among the public. As a decision, it was not popular among civilians, either political elites or the public sphere because the administration made it in a hurry. Moreover, Japanese country was famous as a country with pacifism value after the Second World War. Therefore, the question arises as of why the decision was taken. This study uses the theory of Civil-Military Relations from Samuel Huntington to see whether there is a motive from the military to involve in the decision. Besides, this study also discusses military defense and professionalism of management in Japan to further illustrate the existence of military influence in the defense policy-making process and the political orientation of the Japanese military. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method. The author concludes that there was no interference by the Japanese army on the Japanese defense policy changes in 2015, but there was a scourge of civil-military relations in Japan which was initially a subjective civilian control into an objective civilÂian control.]]>
<![CDATA[Drug-free ASEAN 2025: Tantangan Indonesia dalam Penanggulangan Penyalahgunaan Narkoba ]]>
<![CDATA[Herindrasti, Valentina Lusia Sinta]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71122
<![CDATA[This article examines Indonesia’s initiatives in combating and preventing drugs abuse which has reached the level of ‘drugs emergency’. Although there are many advantages in this new approach, this article argues that the implementation of the rehabilitation approach still faces various challenges such as policy implementation priority, mindset changing of the executors, un-fully operational system, infrastructure availability, reliable rehabilitation method test, which generate questions on the effectiveness of the decriminalization policy. In the future, continuous evaluation is needed to make sure that the policy is well implemented and provides impact as is expected, which is to decrease the number of drug abusers.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Isolasionisme Presiden Trump dan Masa Depan Pangkalan Militer AS di Jepang ]]>
<![CDATA[Umoro, Anisa Ledy]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71128
<![CDATA[The election of Donald Trump with his America First slogan has sent a signal that the new President is less interested in maintaining the position held by the United States as the leader on the international stage. This phenomenon raises questions about the United States’ commitment to its military presence outside its territory. By presenting the case of US military bases in Japan, this paper attempts to project the fate of these bases under the Trump presidency. At first glance, the President's inward-looking policy may seemingly trigger the future withdrawal of US troops from Japan. However, this article shall present an argument to the contrary: US military bases in Japan will survive the Trump presidency. To prove this argument; first, this article analyzes the reasoning behind the decision of a sending country to withdraw its military forces. Secondly, this article discusses what factors may underlie the decision of a host country to end military cooperation with the sending country. Finally, this paper analyzes the existence of mutual strategic factors. Although seven of these eight factors are supporting the continued presence of US military bases, one factor, namely President Trump's isolationist policy, shows that it may lead to the contrary. Nevertheless, this isolationist policy factor alone is not enough to end the existence of US military bases in Japan.]]>
<![CDATA[Donald Trump’s Protectionist Trade Policy from the Perspective of Economic Nationalism ]]>
<![CDATA[Bimantara, Azza]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2018): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72132
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze American trade policy under Donald Trump’s administration. President Trump has imposed a set of tariffs and quotas for such imported agriculture and manufactured products. Such trade policies triggered many American trading partners, most notably China and NAFTA members, to take any retaliatory measures, starting trade war. Preliminary observation on this issue starts with two problematization. First, Trump’s trade policies failed to push his trade partners for their trade compliances despite of their higher relative export dependency on American market rather than on the contrary. Second, most of Trump’s “trade belligerents†are democratic countries; it is another anomaly for established assumption about democratic peace theory which has stated that structures and norms held by democratic countries prevent them to engage conflictual relations in both political-security and economy. Further research has found that competitive trade structure US Government faced at some traded commodities put American trade interests at stake against other conflicting countries. In order to protect such interest, President Trump must deliver restrictive measures—tariffs and quotas—in favor of domestic industries and market. Such behavior is justified by both President Trump’s view and tenet aboutthe construction of American nation and his political mobilization of popular far-right mass which also contribute to the discourse of contemporary American nationalism. The result is American economic nationalism which drives domestic political configuration to support President Trump’s political economic initiatives.]]>
<![CDATA[Turkey’s Foreign Policy Strategy Change in Syrian Crisis (2016-2017) ]]>
<![CDATA[Luerdi, Luerdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Alfajri, Alfajri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71124
<![CDATA[Turkey is one of the important actors whose roles cannot not be ignored in understanding the dynamic of Syrian crisis. Turkey used to interfere the neighboring country in order to remove the Syrian regime by backing the opposition groups and building alliance with the western countries. Turkey began to change its foreign policy strategy in Syria in 2016, but still maintained its domestic security and stability interest. This paper is aimed at explaining the relationship between the driving factors and Turkey’s foreign policy strategy change. This research applied the foreign policy decision making approach where determinants were perceived and acted upon by the official governmental decision makers. James Rosenau’s decision making theory was employed to strengthen the approach, consisting of some foreign policy determinants such as external environment, internal environment, information assessment and decision-making process which further affect decision makers to make the state’s foreign policy decision as the output. The finding of the research showed that domestic and international factors encouraged Turkey to change its foreign policy strategy. Such new strategy was that Turkey was collaborating with Russia in seeking the resolution to create stability within Syria and put an end of the severe conflict.]]>
<![CDATA[Fronting the Return of Foreign Terrorist Fighters: the Rise and Fall of ASEAN Border Cooperation to Combat Non-Traditional Threats ]]>
<![CDATA[Suryadi, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Timur, Fauzia Gustarina Cempaka]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71126
<![CDATA[This paper argues that bilateral arrangements among ASEAN countries are no longer enough to address the convergence of non-traditional threats, primarily due to porous borders in Southeast Asia region. Hence, fighting terrorism by securing maritime border through ASEAN border cooperation is seen as a useful measure to respond the issue. This paper aims to observe non-traditional threat posed from the maritime boundary, specifically from Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines border which each of the government has agreed on Defense and Security Agreement Framework in the past few years. The FTF returnees and the existential threat of terrorism in each ASEAN countries have eventually carried a new agenda for ASEAN countries in securing the border. This paper then analyses the result of the Trilateral Meeting that depicts the commitment of these countries in tackling FTF as the growing security challenges in the region. This paper also considers the effectiveness of the Trilateral Agreement in combating non-traditional threats including terrorism.]]>
<![CDATA[Motives and Rivalry of Superpower Countries: The United States and China in Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis ]]>
<![CDATA[Ismail, Achmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71129
<![CDATA[This article argues that behind the response to the Rohing crisis problem, there are economic and political motives as soft forces penetrated by both countries as a form of influence rivalry. Some previous article examine the rivalry between the two countries in various regions with a military focus and so on. Qualitative research methods with case study approaches and data techniques with interviews and literature studies become this article. The conclusion that this happened in the United States and the issue of the Rohingya issue was a major issue, but behind that, there were other motives that were the main objectives of the two countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Between Revisionist and Status Quo: The Case of China’s Leadership in the AIIB ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat]]>;
<![CDATA[Dinarto, Dedi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2018): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72131
<![CDATA[This article seeks to understand China’s foreign policy today by assessing its leadership in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), using the scholarly term of ‘contested multilateralism’ coined by Julia Morse and Robert Keohane. We argue that since the beginning of the 21st century, China has managed to improve its image as a new global power through the transformation of its foreign policy. In expanding its political sphere, China is using not only peripheral diplomacy but also cross-regional diplomacy strategies through the existing bilateral and multilateral mechanisms. Within this context, we look at a specific case of the creation of the AIIB as evidence of China’s greater participation in the global political economy realm. The AIIB can be seen as how China practices multilateralism in its foreign policy as it is trying to meet domestic, regional, as well as global development and economic challenges. This article argues that the creation of AIIB is not only the implication of China’s fiscal and trade policy, nor merely to solve the regional infrastructure gap in Asia, but also to challenge the U.S. (and Japan) influence through the Asian Development Bank (ADB), in which China possesses minor political power to accommodate its political economic interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Rivalitas Saudi-Qatar dan Skenario Krisis Teluk ]]>
<![CDATA[Wardoyo, Broto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71127
<![CDATA[Tensions in the Gulf region between Saudi and its allies against Qatar was marked by the termination of diplomatic relations in the midst 2017. The tension has a quite long history and can be divided into three different phases. Prior to and during the 1990s, their rivalry was mainly centred on border disputes. Later, in the 2000s, hydrocarbon politics played a role and intermingled with border disputes as the central issues of disputes. While in the 2010s, the dispute revolves around regional domination. Within the latter context, Iran plays an influential role in the rivalry between Saudi and Qatar. Hence, the balance of political power between Saudi and Iran would be the most critical determinant factor in the future scenario of this crisis. The efforts to prevent the crisis escalation would require a mediator to limit Iranian involvement.]]>
