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<![CDATA[POST-PEACE: THE VICTORY OF INDIVIDUAL CANDIDATES AND POLICY PERFORMANCE IN PIDIE, ACEH ]]>
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 10 No 2 (2022): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a2
<![CDATA[Electoral democracy has provided opportunities for candidates from individual path. Therefore, political parties do not become the single way to win the political election. This paper explores the victory of individual candidates in Pidie, Aceh, amid the difficulty of individual candidates winning against candidates from political parties which happened in other regions. This paper argues that the victory of individual candidates was strongly influenced by the risk of the policy performance of the ruling party in the previous period. The findings of this research are (1) individual candidates have no difference with political party’s candidate as they are not coming from social activist who bring alternative issues to the citizen. It only differs from its administrative requirements. (2) Pidie is an area where the majority of political parties support one candidate, so the presence of individual candidates becomes an alternative. (3) People's voting behavior in post-conflict areas tends to lead to rational choice, where past government policies become a consideration in voting in the next election. Thus, individual candidates in the context of regional elections will not affect the quality of democracy that takes place in Indonesia. Furthermore, in the positive side, people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. But the positive side is that people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. Strengthening the model of rational choice voting behavior will support the quality of elections and democracy that takes place in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[WOMEN IN THE LOCAL POLITICAL VORTEX: A STUDY OF WOMEN CANDIDATES INVOLVEMENT IN 2020 REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN TANAH DATAR ]]>
<![CDATA[Budiman, Novi]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 10 No 2 (2022): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a3
<![CDATA[This study aims to describe the candidacy process and challenges of female candidates in the 2020 regional elections in Tanah Datar Regency as well as campaign issues promoted by female candidates based on gender perspective. This research is a qualitative research using candidacy theory. The findings of this study that the challenge faced by Betty Shadiq Pasadigue in the contestation of the 2020 Regional Elections of Tanah Datar Regency is the emergence of gender stereotypes and negative views of women's leadership as regional leader, although the LKAAM of Tanah Datar Regency has affirmed that women's leadership in the political field is permitted.]]>
<![CDATA[FURTHER THEORIZING ON THE CONCEPT OF REGIONNESS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL IN ENSURING REGIONAL CONVERGENCE ]]>
<![CDATA[Bastari, Gema Ramadhan]]>;
<![CDATA[Rivai, Aspin Nur Arifin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 10 No 2 (2022): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a4
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the possibility of strengthening the theory of regionness through the concept of social capital. The urgency for this topic arises from stagnating trend of regionalism project across the globe and the lack of discussions in the role of social aspect in regionalism. According to Björn Hettne and Fredrik Söderbaum’s theory on regionness, the intensification of social interaction at the grassroot level will pave a way for the creation of a new entity they referred to as the ‘regional state’. However, the theory’s fallacy came from its reliance on an assumption that social interaction will always lead to convergence. As has been proven by the case of Brexit, sometimes social interaction can also cause divergence and the collapse of the regionalism project itself. This paper employs literature review method to argue that the concept of social capital can complement this theory. It argues that social capital, which is an immaterial resources created through social interactions, will be able to increase the degree of regionness in one region. Furthermore, this paper will also open up a possibility to include sociology study, namely the theory of social understanding, in complementing the theory of regionness and social capital. This paper concludes that regionness is a social capital brought to the regional level as part of a joint effort to create a new governance system unimagined by any individuals alone.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PATANI KINGDOM IN THAILAND AND PATANI VILLAGE IN INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Tajuddin, Muhammad Saleh]]>;
<![CDATA[Yeyeng, Andi Tenri]]>;
<![CDATA[Natsir, Muh.]]>;
<![CDATA[Hasyim, Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 10 No 2 (2022): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a5
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the historical and political relations of the Patani Kingdom in Thailand and Patani in Takalar Regency, Indonesia. These two Patani had strong ties related to historical and political issues. This research uses qualitative methods with observational data collection techniques, interviews and documentation. Secondary data are obtained through textbooks, scientific journals, and online sources. The data were analyzed through the analysis of Miles and Haberman with the steps of data display, data verification and conclusions. This study found that the relationship between these two regions has occurred since 1634, where there was a massive exodus from Patani, Thailand to the Patani region in the Sanrobone Kingdom, Takalar, Indonesia due to the conflict that occurred between the Kingdom of Siam and the Kingdom of Patani in Thailand. Meanwhile, an important position in the politics of the Malays in Patani, Indonesia was as a royal clerk and harbormaster. On the other hand, the existence of the Bugis-Makassarese also had a political role in Patani, Thailand.]]>
<![CDATA[INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT OF GENERAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2024 ELECTION ]]>
<![CDATA[Jurdi, Syarifuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 10 No 2 (2022): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a6
<![CDATA[This article explains the General Elections Commission (KPU) institution in facing the 2024 General Election (Pemilu). The main aims to understand the process of forming an election management body and its institutional transformation as well as the readiness of the KPU in facing the 2024 simultaneous elections. This paper tends to use verstehen analysis which developed by Weber, to look within the institution and slightly oriented towards phenomenological analysis developed by Berger and Luckmann. This research employs genealogical perspective as theoretical perspective. In general, this article concludes that to hold clean election, independent and credible institutions are needed. Therefore; First, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity, technical capabilities and the substance of election organizers, support from human resources with integrity is needed to produce elections with dignity; Second, the readiness of regulations and policies related to all stages of the election and election program can be carried out in accordance with the regulations and stages that govern them; Third, strengthening the organizing institutions to encourage voter participation through outreach and voter education in order to have critical, intelligent voters, and those who reject money politics, not easily mobilized and anti-hoax.]]>
<![CDATA[Eksistensi Baitul Muslimin Indonesia Sebagai Organisasi Sayap Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan dalam Kinerja Persuasi Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Abon Ronaldi]]>;
<![CDATA[Bakti, Andi Faisal]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 11 No 1 (2023): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a4
<![CDATA[Permasalahan yang menghiasi dunia perpolitikan di Indonesia adalah politik manipulatif yang cenderung mendiskreditkan lawan politik. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menelaah tentang Baitul Muslimin Indonesia sebagai organisasi sayap dari Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan deskriptif analitis kualitatif berbasis studi pustaka. Data primer bersumber dari buku, jurnal dan berita. Teori yang digunakan adalah perspektif persuasi politik Dan Nimmo yang memuat konsep propaganda, periklanan dan retorika politik. Hasil penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa eksistensi BAMUSI adalah sebagai upaya preventif dari banyaknya stigma negatif terhadap PDIP. Praktik propaganda yang dilakukan kepada PDIP merupakan propaganda name calling. Meski bernuansa negatif, propaganda ini dinilai efektif sebagai bentuk strategi pengikisan kredibilitas lawan politik. Kendati demikian, organisasi sayap partai politik ini terus melakukan penguatan identitas partai induknya. Misalnya dengan membuat periklanan non-komersil yang bersifat persuasif. Dan juga retorika dari ketokohan PDIP dilakukan dengan tidak bermuatan negatif seperti retorika nasihat (ekshortif).]]>
<![CDATA[Kuasa Elit Lokal dan Kapitalis Pasca Otoritarianisme: Perspektif Pribumi dan Etnis Tionghoa ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajar]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 11 No 1 (2023): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a7
<![CDATA[The study of capitalism in Indonesia cannot be separated from the two capitalist groups, namely the Indigenous and ethnic Chinese who dominate the economy in Indonesia. This article describes the power of local elites and post-authoritarian capitalist capitalists by looking at how Indigenous and Chinese ethnic groups reproduce political roles and their involvement in the national economy. The main objective is to find out how the position of local elite power and capitalists in Indonesian political practice. The method used in this study uses a phenomenological approach developed by Husserl and Heidegger which looks at individual experiences and individual existence. In general, this study concludes that the indigenous and ethnic Chinese elites are the differentiator where the ownership of capitalization by ethnic Chinese is part of the history of capitalism in Indonesia which then reaches all provinces in Indonesia through economic transformation in which material ownership becomes so strong domestic investment in Indonesia is different from the indigenous groups themselves, which are unequal because in general the natives cannot develop a national scale economic pattern.]]>
<![CDATA[Polarisasi Politik di Indonesia 2014-2019: Sebuah Kajian Pustaka ]]>
<![CDATA[Mansyur, Ibnu Chaerul]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 11 No 1 (2023): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a1
<![CDATA[Pada periode 1950-an, kehidupan politik terpecah akibat politik aliran. Orde Baru dan Reformasi sempat menekan dan membuat polarisasi politik mereda, namun polarisasi politik kembali menguat pada tahun 2014, karena bertemunya dua spektrum antara kelompok pluralis dan Islamis. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji penyebab menguatnya polarisasi politik antara Islamis dan pluralis di Indonesia, setelah meredup sekian lama dalam sistem politik yang represif maupun terbuka. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa aktor politik mengejar tujuan politik mereka dengan menggunakan strategi polarisasi, seperti memobilisasi pemilih hingga terpecah belah, menyebarkan ujaran kebencian, dan mengeksploitasi keresahan masyarakat. Kesimpulannya bahwa polarisasi politik yang terjadi antara Islamis dan pluralis di Indonesia pada 2014-2019 disebabkan oleh strategi aktor politik. Penelitian ini akan menambah kajian polarisasi politik di Indonesia yang masih terbatas, terutama yang membahas penyebab polarisasi politik.]]>
<![CDATA[Mandok Hata Sebagai Pendidikan Demokrasi dalam Kebudayaan Batak ]]>
<![CDATA[Nababan, Kristina Roseven]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 11 No 1 (2023): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a2
<![CDATA[Pendidikan demokrasi di Indonesia cenderung didasarkan pada kurikulum nasional yang sering kali tidak mempertimbangkan nilai-nilai lokal dan konteks sosial budaya. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pendidikan demokrasi yang berbasis kearifan lokal, dengan fokus pada mandok hata sebagai salah satu model praktik kearifan lokal. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data primer melalui wawancara dan observasi terhadap 5 subjek penelitian yang merupakan informan kunci, serta data sekunder melalui studi literatur. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa mandok hata mengandung prinsip-prinsip pendidikan demokrasi, antara lain keterlibatan aktif dan partisipasi, pemahaman hak dan kewajiban, kritis dan refleksi, komunikasi praktis, kemampuan bekerja sama dan gotong royong, serta kesadaran sosial. Pendekatan pendidikan demokrasi yang mengintegrasikan nilai-nilai dan tradisi mandok hata dapat membantu mengembangkan partisipasi dan kesadaran politik individu dalam keluarga dan masyarakat lokal. Dengan demikian, pendidikan demokrasi berbasis kearifan lokal memiliki peran penting dalam membentuk masyarakat yang demokratis dan partisipatif, serta dalam memperkuat dan melestarikan kearifan lokal sebagai warisan budaya yang berharga.]]>
<![CDATA[Tirani Kebahagiaan dan Media Sosial: Sebuah Kajian Media dan Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Anggriani]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 11 No 1 (2023): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a6
<![CDATA[Social media content has taken up a lot of our attention, a lot of time and energy is spent either creating content or just exploring it. This of course does not only have a positive impact on us, on the other side of the pendulum there are 'mines' ready to blow up anyone who is not aware of the negative effects. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the hidden agendas of social media that are consciously or unconsciously realized by its users, where the hedonic treadmill concept is used as the main analysis knife. This article is qualitative by using impressions on YouTube as the object of writing. Shows that are used as the object of analysis include: 1) Why Social Media Is Toxic for Teen Mental Health | Fault Lines Documentary; 2) Teens, Social Media, and Technology (Full Documentary; 3) The Instagram Effect 2022 Documentary. The author finds that social media has great potential to encourage a continuous search for happiness as evidenced by the acquisition of as many like-view-shares as possible. In addition, the next finding is that social media makes a major contribution to the formation of a negative image of the body and mental disorders that lead to suicide. The ultimate terminal is the utilization of algorithms to generate more profit for social media.]]>
