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Religious conflict and regional autonomy in church establishment and Islamic clothing in West Pasaman and Dharmasraya West Sumatera Nunu Burhanuddin; Ahmad Ali Nurdin; Muhammad Irfan Helmy
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 9, No 2 (2019): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies
Publisher : IAIN Salatiga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v9i2.189-216

This paper analyses how religious minorities in West Pasaman and Dharmasraya have been disturbed by the implementation of regional autonomy policies. By examining the church establishment and Islamic clothing enactment in the region as case studies, the paper shows that the conflicts between Muslims and Christians were caused by the discriminatory regional regulations against minority groups. This study uses an ethnographic approach, consisting of interviews and extensive observational research in the research site to collect the data. The article argues that the implementation of local government policies such as the very strict requirement to establish church and Islamic clothing regulations for students have negative impacts on the harmonious relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims in the region. Thus, local government officers should take into consideration minority and majority-group relationships in creating regional religious regulations.Penelitian ini menganalisa bagaimana kaum minoritas agama di Pasaman Barat dan Dharmasraya terusik dengan implementasi kebijakan otonomi daerah. Dengan mengkaji aturan pendirian gereja dan busana Islami sebagai kasusnya, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa konflik yang terjadi antara Muslim dan Kristen di daerah tersebut disebabkan karena regulasi otonomi daerah yang bersipat diskriminatif bagi kalangan kaum minoritas. Studi ini menggunakan metode etnografi dengan menggunakan wawancara dan observasi yang ekstensif di lokasi penelitian sebagai teknik pengumpulan data. Peneliti berargumen bahwa penerapan kebijakan pemerintahan lokal seperti ketatnya persyaratan membangun rumah ibadah (gereja) dan aturan kewajiban memakai busana Islam bagi pelajar mempunyai implikasi negatif terhadap hubungan antara Muslim dan non-Muslim di daerah tersebut. Karenanya, pemerintah daerah harus berhati hati dan mempertimbangkan hubungan kelompok minoritas-mayoritas dalam membuat aturan daerah yang berhubungan dengan agama.

Islam dan perubahan sosial: Gerakan sedeqah lima ratus rupiah dan perubahan sosial di kabupaten Sukabumi Iji Jaelani; Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Ijtihad : Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan Vol 18, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Salatiga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18326/ijtihad.v18i1.17-31

Dalam kajian agama-agama, konsep sedekah merupakan bagian inti yang tidak bisa dilepaskan, khususnya berkaitan dengan transformasi agama sebagai perubahan sosial.Konsep demikian bisa dilihat pada gerakan sedekah lima ratus rupiah di kabupaten Sukabumi. Gerakan ini dimulai pada tahun 2000 melibatkan banyak pihak meliputi lembaga agama, dan masyarakat luas. digunakan untuk melakukan perubahan sosial, bahkan turut menginisiasi lahirnya kebijakan publik mengenai zakat, infak, dan shodaqoh di Kabupaten Sukabumi. Metode yang digunakan untuk melakukan penelitian ini ialah teori pengalaman keagamaan (pemikiran, tindakan, dan persekutuan) dan teori hegemoni. Dari penelitian tersebut, penulis menganalisis gerakan sedekah lima ratus merupakan bentuk ekspresi pengalaman keagamaan yang diinspirasi dari pemikiran keagamaan nahdlatul (fiqrah nahdliyah dan harakah nahdliyah) dan memiliki dampak sosial yang besar pada perubahan masyarakat..Secara politik, gerakan sedekah lima ratus rupiah ini menggunakan strategi hegemoni, yakni kepemimpinan intelektual dan kepemimpinan moral dari Abdul Basith sebagai pendiri kepada relawan dan pemerintah untuk melancarkan kegiatannya hingga lahirnya lahirnya perubahan social di bidang registrasi peraturn daerah tentang pengelolaan zakat, infaq, dan shodaqoh.

PKS’ Democratic Experiences in Recruiting Members and Leaders Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 2 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.492.329-360

This paper focuses on the views of democracy and the implementation of democratic rules in real politics by the Islamic political party that has a democracy platform in Indonesia, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). I examine PKS views on the relationship between Islam and democracy and its manner of recruiting members and leaders to show that this Islamic political party is not a threat to democracy at all. PKS believes that democracy goes to the roots of Islam and the Indonesian context in which they exist; and that it is a good political tool for an Islamic party like PKS to achieve its political goals. Taking the process of recruitment of members and leaders of PKS as examples, the paper also shows that the commitment of PKS to strengthening democracy in Indonesia could be seen in their process of recruiting leaders. PKS has practiced democratic rules in their internal party activities, particularly in the way they used to recruit their members who would be nominated as parliamentary members and how they choose their own leaders. However, it is necessary to note that in terms of member recruitment and expanding the cadres of the party, the PKS seems to have a special strategy; that is, encouraging their cadres to have big families.[Artikel mengulas pandangan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) mengenai demokrasi dan implementasi nilai-nilai demokrasi dalam kehidupan politik. Dalam artikel ini, relasi Islam dan demokrasi serta metode PKS dalam merekrut anggota dan pemimpin partai akan dibahas. PKS sama sekali bukanlah ancaman bagi demokrasi. PKS percaya bahwa prinsip demokrasidapat ditemukan dalam Islam dan konteks Indonesia. Bagi PKS, demokrasi membuka ruang kesempatan bagi partai politik Islam untuk mencapai tujuan politiknya. Selain itu, artikel ini juga mengulas proses rekrutmen anggota dan pemimpin partai. Rekrutmen petinggi PKS memperlihatkan komitmen PKS terhadap penguatan demokrasi di Indonesia. PKS sudah mempraktekkan prinsip demokrasi dalam tubuh partai, utamanya dalam menentukan kandidat anggota parlemen dan dalam memilih pemimpin. Yang perlu diperhatikan adalah tampaknya PKS menerapkan pola rekrutmen dan ekspansi anggota partai yang unik, yaitu dengan mendorong kader-kader PKS untuk mememiliki banyak anak.]

Revisiting discourse on Islam and state relation in Indonesia: the view of Soekarno, Natsir and Nurcholish Madjid Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 6, No 1 (2016): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies
Publisher : IAIN Salatiga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v6i1.63-92

This paper focuses on debates between Soekarno, Natsir and Nurcholish Madjid to whether Indonesian state should be based on Islam ideologically or not. Soekarno, was in favor of the separation between Islam and state and against the idea of a formal-legal relationship between them. In Soekarno’s belief, by separating religion from the state, it does not mean that Islamic teachings are automatically marginalized. Natsir argued against Soekarno’s idea that Islam should be separated from the state. Natsir believed that Islam is a way of life in which it not only guides Muslim peoples on ritual matter but also on worldly matters including how to manage a state. Madjid seems to propose the middle path between Soekarno and Natsir in his struggle to ‘Islamize’ Indonesia. On the one hand, Madjid opposes the idea of making Indonesia an Islamic state, and on the other hand, Madjid also refuses that Indonesian become totally a secular state. Madjid tried to develop a new format for political Islam in which substance, rather than form, serves as his primary orientations. Kajian ini berfokus pada perdebatan antara Soekarno, Natsir dan Nurcholish Madjid tentang apakah negara Indonesia harus didasarkan pada Islam ideologis atau tidak. Soekarno adalah pendukung pemisahan antara Islam dan negara dan menentang gagasan hubungan formal-legal antara keduanya. Dalam keyakinan Soekarno, dengan memisahkan agama dari negara, itu tidak berarti bahwa ajaran Islam secara otomatis terpinggirkan. Natsir menentang gagasan Soekarno bahwa Islam harus dipisahkan dari negara. Natsir percaya bahwa Islam adalah cara hidup yang tidak hanya membimbing masyarakat Muslim tentang masalah ritual tetapi juga pada hal-hal duniawi termasuk bagaimana mengelola negara. Madjid tampaknya mengusulkan jalan tengah antara Soekarno dan Natsir dalam perjuangan untuk ‘mengislamkan’ Indonesia. Di satu sisi, Madjid menentang ide menciptakan Indonesia sebagai negara Islam, dan di sisi lain, Madjid juga menolak bahwa Indonesia menjadi benar-benar sebuah negara sekuler. Madjid mencoba untuk mengembangkan format baru bagi Islam politik di mana substansi, bukan bentuk, berfungsi sebagai orientasi utamanya.

Pandangan Keagamaan Pelaku Bom Bunuh Diri di Indonesia Herlina Nurani; Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities Vol 3, No 1 (2018): Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities
Publisher : UIN Walisongo Semarang

This journal discusses most of the religious discussions launched in Indonesia. This research is library research. Is the result of being found first, understanding the religious texts textually. Second, there are differences of opinion that influence the text that improves development that accommodates modernization theories, thereby increasing disappointment with the government. Third, the existence of understanding as jihad is a holy war against unbelievers because it considers the government system in Indonesia to be changed based on the justice of their religious understanding.Keyword: globalization; religion; radicalism; jihad; AbstrakJurnal ini menelusuri tentang sebagian pandangan keagamaan pelaku bom bunuh diri di Indonesia. Penelitian ini adalah library riset. Adapun hasil yang ditemukan pertama, pemahaman nash-nash agama secara tekstual. Kedua, adanya sikap protes yang mempengaruhi pemahaman teks serta kegagalan pembangunan yang mengakomodasi teori-teori modernisasi, sehingga terjadinya kekecewaan terhadap pemerintah. Ketiga, adanya paham bahwa jihad adalah perang suci sebagai perang untuk melawan orang kafir karena menganggap sistem kepemerintahan di Indonesia harus dirubah berdasarkan kebenaran pemahaman keagamaan mereka. Kata Kunci : globalisasi; agama; radikalisme; jihad;

Al-Kifāḥ min ajli dawlah Islāmīyah ‘abra al-masār al-dīmuqrātī: Tajribat al-Ḥizb al-Islāmī al-Mālizī (PAS) Muhammad Irfan Helmy; Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Studia Islamika Vol 27, No 2 (2020): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v27i2.11909

This paper discusses how PAS follows democratic way to achive its political goal to establish an Islamic state. Is it true that the establishment of PAS was triggered by its motive to struggle for Islamic state which is not addressed by UMNO? What and how is the concept of Islamic state according to PAS? How and to what extent did Muslim and non-Muslim in Malaysia accept PAS idea, in Malaysian election history, particularly in the last 2018 election? By analysing document of PAS Islamic state, party’s statute, and PAS performance from election to election, the researcher argues that up to present PAS was unsuccessfull to reach its political goal yet. PAS only won and occupied Kelantan and several times won in Sabah and Terengganu. The result of 2018 election shows that PAS was beaten by Pakatan Harapan coallition as well as Barisan Nasional coalition. However, PAS’s struggle through democratic way has significantly contributed to reduce a negative image of Islamic movement in South East Asia. Islam is not monolithic and Islam is compatible with democracy. PAS’s struggle is a clear proof.

The Dynamic of Religious Life: A Study of Conflict and Integration of Ahmadiyah in Garut, Tasikmalaya and Kuningan, West Java Nurdin, Ahmad Ali; Jamaludin, Adon Nasrullah; Supriatna, Encup; Kustana, Kustana
Komunitas Vol 11, No 1 (2019): March 2019
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v11i1.16931

The conflict does not automatically lead to disintegration. Sociologist like Georg Simmel and Lewis Coser reinforce this assumption. Conflict can also function to strengthen social groups and restore social integration. Conflict and integration (harmony) like two sides of a coin, different but still one. This paper supports the assumption above. After the conflict between the community and Ahmadiyahâ€™s followers in the three Regencies (Garut, Tasikmalaya and Kuningan), they live in harmony (integration). This fact in line with the argument of Georg Simmel and Lewis Coser. This study showed that the conflicts occurred in three regencies (Garut, Tasikmalaya and Kuningan), did not make the Ahmadiyah adherents disintegrated and crumbled. But on the contrary, Ahmadiyah followers increasingly integrated, solid and live co-exist with the non-Ahmadiyah community and live harmoniously.

Strategi Marketing Politik Kang Erwin Calon Walikota Bandung 2024 dalam Penyebaran Pamflet Yoshy Hendra Hardiyan Syah; Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Jurnal Studi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik Vol. 3 No. 1 (2023): Juni
Publisher : Penerbit Goodwood

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35912/jasispol.v3i1.2050

Purpose: The purpose of writing this article is First, to find out the "Branding, Positioning and Segmenting" strategy used by the Bandung City PKB team in marketing Kang Erwin via Instagram in the 2024 Election. Second, to find out the response of Bandung residents in the field to the pamphlets distributed by Kang Erwin via Instagram during the momentum of Ramadhan 1444 H Methodology/approach: This article uses a qualitative descriptive analysis research method using primary data collection techniques, namely virtual observation, interviews, and documentation with a virtual ethnographic approach that is non-participatory in nature, while secondary data is in the form of books, scientific articles, theses which are still relevant in this study. The virtual observation technique used is observation on the PKB Bandung City Instagram media. Regarding the interview, the resource person in this article is Kang Erwin as the Candidate for Mayor of Bandung 2024, the informant in this article is a resident of the city of Bandung, and the interview technique used is a semi-structural interview, while the interviews were conducted on 8-10 June 2023. Subjects in This research is Kang Erwin and the object of this research is the Instagram media platform as a marketing strategy tool. Results/findings: The findings in this article are First, Branding Strategy. During the momentum of Ramadhan 1444 H, Kang Erwin through his Instagram account @pkb_bandung actively distributed campaign pamphlets with Ramadan nuances, the "branding" that was characteristic of Kang Erwin was that he always used the same personal photo, used Islamic attributes (white Muslim dress, wearing a turban , and black cap). Second, Positioning Strategy. Kang Erwin as Candidate for Mayor of Bandung 2024 uses Sundanese in the slogan used is "PKB Kahiji, Bandung Ngahiji" and PKB reflects political parties that are both religious and nationalist. Third, Segmenting Strategy. kang Erwin Candidate for Mayor of Bandung 2024 seeks to provide benefits to various levels of society, seeks to restore the dignity of the City of Bandung, namely Paris Van Java, a city of flowers, a city that is safe, peaceful, and conducive, fixing poverty by strengthening the micro-economy, and providing ambulance facilities on an ongoing basis free to the people of Bandung who need it. Then based on research conducted using field interviews on the response of Bandung city residents regarding the distribution of the Ramadhan 1444 H pamphlet by Kang Erwin on the Instagram social media @pkb_bandung that, the response of Bandung city residents was less than one million, because dominant Bandung city residents considered the campaign in the holy month of Ramadan 1444 H is unethical and considered to have tarnished the sacred month of Ramadan as a momentum to increase taqwa, get closer, and ask forgiveness from Allah, not for political momentum, so that Ramadan will be according to its nature.

Al-Kifāḥ min ajli dawlah Islāmīyah ‘abra al-masār al-dīmuqrātī: Tajribat al-Ḥizb al-Islāmī al-Mālizī (PAS) Helmy, Muhammad Irfan; Nurdin, Ahmad Ali
Studia Islamika Vol. 27 No. 2 (2020): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v27i2.11909

This paper discusses how PAS follows democratic way to achive its political goal to establish an Islamic state. Is it true that the establishment of PAS was triggered by its motive to struggle for Islamic state which is not addressed by UMNO? What and how is the concept of Islamic state according to PAS? How and to what extent did Muslim and non-Muslim in Malaysia accept PAS idea, in Malaysian election history, particularly in the last 2018 election? By analysing document of PAS Islamic state, party’s statute, and PAS performance from election to election, the researcher argues that up to present PAS was unsuccessfull to reach its political goal yet. PAS only won and occupied Kelantan and several times won in Sabah and Terengganu. The result of 2018 election shows that PAS was beaten by Pakatan Harapan coallition as well as Barisan Nasional coalition. However, PAS’s struggle through democratic way has significantly contributed to reduce a negative image of Islamic movement in South East Asia. Islam is not monolithic and Islam is compatible with democracy. PAS’s struggle is a clear proof.

Leveraging religious identity: Anies Baswedan’s political strategy in the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election Al-Fikri, Muchsin; Truna, Dody S.; Nurdin, Ahmad Ali
Hanifiya: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama Vol. 8 No. 2 (2025): Hanifiya: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama
Publisher : Program Studi Studi Agama-Agama Pascasarjana UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/hanifiya.v8i2.45480

This article investigates the dynamics of religious identity politics in Indonesia’s 2024 presidential election, with a particular focus on the political communication strategy of Anies Rasyid Baswedan. The study aims to explore how religious narratives and symbols are constructed within Anies’s campaign discourse and to examine the broader socio-political implications of such identity-based appeals in a pluralistic democracy. Employing a qualitative phenomenological approach, the research analyzes a range of data, including media coverage, campaign speeches, symbolic visual elements, and relevant literature. The findings reveal that religious identity politics has not vanished from Indonesia’s electoral landscape but has undergone a strategic transformation. Rather than employing overt sectarian messaging, Anies leverages a symbolic, layered communication strategy that harmonizes his personal religious image with themes of national unity, moral leadership, and cultural pluralism. This enables him to appeal simultaneously to conservative Muslim constituencies and urban moderate voters. His approach reflects a shift from the confrontational identity politics of previous elections toward a more adaptive and communicative form of religious symbolism. In conclusion, this study shows that identity politics in contemporary Indonesian elections is increasingly mediated through symbolic discourse and nuanced messaging. The research contributes to a deeper theoretical understanding of the evolving role of religious identity in electoral democracies and offers practical insights into the ethical and strategic dimensions of political communication in a culturally diverse society.

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