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All Journal Global Strategis Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Indonesian Perspective DINAMIKA GLOBAL : JURNAL ILMU HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Indonesian Journal of International Law Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional
Hudaya, Maula
Department Of International Relations Universitas Gadjah Mada
Arts Humanities Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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Reimaging Post COVID-19 Global Value Chain: Case Study of Automotive and Electronic Companies in China Rizky Anggia Putri; Maula Hudaya
Global Strategis Vol. 15 No. 2 (2021): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jgs.15.2.2021.255-286

Abstract

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic at the end of 2019 caused various problems for the international community, especially China as the outbreak’s epicenter. With the enactment of a lockdown policy in China, various activities involving human interactions, especially economic activities, are limited and can potentially disrupt the global value chain as China is the world’s factory. In this paper, we examine the impact of the pandemic on the Global Value Chain (GVC) in China. The authors argue that the pandemic has forced the companies that integrated with GVC to rethink their strategy on keeping the production process running well. This paper analyzes the impact of pandemics on the GVC in China by comparing the historical trajectories, actor’s strategies, and regulations before and after the pandemic. We compare these indicators before and after the pandemic to determine how they affect the GVC system and how companies adapt to the disruption by rethinking and readjusting their strategies. Thus, the analysis can conclude whether the fragmented GVC system is still relevant or needs an entirely new system with more resistance to phenomena like the COVID-19 pandemic.Keywords: The COVID-19 pandemic, Lockdown, Fragmented Global Value Chain, Companies Operated in ChinaMerebaknya pandemi COVID-19 di penghujung tahun 2019 menimbulkan berbagai permasalahan bagi dunia internasional khususnya Tiongkok sebagai episentrum penyebaran virus. Dengan diberlakukannya kebijakan lockdown di Tiongkok, berbagai aktivitas yang melibatkan interaksi manusia, khususnya aktivitas ekonomi, menjadi terbatas dan berpotensi mengganggu rantai nilai global karena Tiongkok adalah pabrik dunia. Dalam tulisan ini kami membahas dampak pandemi pada Global Value Chain (GVC) di Tiongkok. Penulis berpendapat bahwa pandemi telah memaksa perusahaan yang terintegrasi dengan GVC untuk memikirkan kembali strategi mereka dalam menjaga agar proses produksi tetap berjalan dengan baik. Tulisan ini menganalisis dampak pandemi terhadap GVC di Tiongkok dengan membandingkan lintasan historis, strategi aktor dan regulasi sebelum dan sesudah pandemi. Dengan membandingkan indikator-indikator tersebut di masa sebelum dan setelah pandemi, akan membantu untuk mengetahui bagaimana pandemi memengaruhi sistem GVC dan bagaimana perusahaan beradaptasi terhadap gangguan dengan memikirkan dan menyesuaikan kembali strategi mereka. Dengan demikian, analisis tersebut dapat digunakan untuk menyimpulkan apakah sistem GVC yang terfragmentasi masih relevan atau ternyata diperlukan sistem yang benar-benar baru yang lebih tahan terhadap fenomena pandemi COVID-19 tersebut.Kata-kata Kunci: Pandemi COVID-19, Lockdown, Global Value Chain Terfragmentasi, Perusahaan yang beroperasi di Tiongkok
Toward Indonesia as Global Maritime Fulcrum: Correcting Doctrine and Combating Non-Traditional Maritime Threats Maula Hudaya; Agung Tri Putra
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 10 No. 2 (2017): Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (182.135 KB) | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v10i2.7304

Abstract

Indonesia is the largest archipelagic country in the world and has enormous potentialin the maritime sector. Therefore, President Joko Widodo aimed to turn Indonesia into amaritime fulcrum of the world. However, this idea hampered by doctrinal errors rootedfrom the community level to policymakers, including the doctrine of state defense. Theseerrors rendered Indonesia unable to play an important role using its strategic location asthe largest archipelagic country. Furthermore, piracy culture in some coastal communitiesof Indonesia is also a problem that hinders international trade. Moreover, this conditionis further exacerbated by the threat of maritime terrorism that endangered Indonesianseafarers. This paper uses the theoretical foundation by Alfred Thayer Mahan on Sea Powerto analyze what kind of policies should be taken by the government to solve the maritimesecurity holes in order to actualize the idea of Indonesia as the maritime fulcrum of theworld. Mahen stated that to become a powerful country in the world, a country should havecontrol over the oceans. Through this theory, solving maritime security holes in Indonesiacan be conducted by accumulating the strength of the sea in quantity and quality.
The Establishment of ASEAN Framework of Action on Marine Debris: The Role of Shared Knowledge Putri, Rizky Anggia; Hudaya, Maula
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 24, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

Since the 1970s, marine debris pollution has been considered a global environmental problem because of the serious threat it poses. Based on 2010 data, the amount of marine debris pollution from the four ASEAN countries plus China has exceeded a quarter of the total global pollution. In 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular the 14th goal regarding life under water, were implemented to address this issue in the global realm. But regionally, ASEAN as the biggest pollutant has just formed the ASEAN Framework of Action on Marine Debris in 2019. The time lag is large considering the urgency to respond has emerged since 2010. Even since 2011, ASEAN countries have started research and individual handling efforts. Therefore, knowledge about this issue has emerged since the early 2010s. However, this knowledge does not necessarily get the attention of ASEAN to deal with it collectively. We see that there is an unexplained link between the emergence of urgency and knowledge regarding marine debris pollution in the early 2010s and the formation of the regime in 2019. In this paper, we attempt to analyze how this urgency and knowledge ultimately gained the attention of ASEAN and ultimately formed the regime. The analysis will be carried out using the Weak Cognitivism approach in Knowledge-based theory, focusing on the role of the epistemic community in creating shared knowledge as the key to the formation of an international regime.
Konsep, Strategi, dan Realita Poros Maritim Dunia: Sebuah Resensi Buku Hudaya, Maula
Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2022): 134-255
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i2.50781

Abstract

Buku ini menyoroti visi sekaligus kebijakan utama Presiden Joko Widodo pada periode pertamanya yakni Poros Maritim Dunia (PMD) melalui sudut pandang yang unik. Penulis membedah PMD ke dalam tiga tataran yang berbeda namun saling berkesinambungan yaitu konsep, strategi, dan realita bagaimana visi tersebut berusaha untuk dicapai. “Kita sudah terlalu lama memunggungi laut, samudera, selat, dan teluk”, potongan pidato pelantikan Presiden Joko Widodo tersebut menyiratkan keinginan kuat untuk mengembalikan Indonesia pada kodratnya sebagai negara maritim. 
Di Balik Kekalahan Militer Afghanistan Terhadap Taliban: Sudut Pandang Budaya Strategis Afghanistan Hudaya, Maula; Putri, Rizky Anggia; Nira, Fadhilah Permata
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 17 No. 1 (2024): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v17i1.44592

Abstract

Kekalahan pasukan militer Afghanistan terhadap Taliban yang terjadi pada pertengahan Agustus 2021 menjadi fenomena yang menarik karena pasukan militer tersebut dikalahkan dalam hitungan hari, meskipun memiliki perlengkapan dan kesiapan yang baik. Beberapa analis menyoroti penyebab kekalahan tersebut didasari oleh faktor maraknya korupsi serta mismanajemen dalam tubuh militer. Namun, kami berusaha untuk mengkaji penyebab kekalahan tersebut melalui keunikan geografis dan kultural yang dimiliki oleh Afghanistan. Keunikan geografis tersebut membuatnya selalu menjadi arena perebutan pengaruh antara kekuatan-kekuatan besar, seperti halnya "The Great Game” yang melibatkan Britania Raya dan Kekaisaran Rusia serta Perang Dingin yang melibatkan Amerika Serikat dan Uni Soviet. Lebih dari itu, kebijakan War on Terror Amerika Serikat kembali memperpanjang hadirnya pengaruh kekuatan asing di Afghanistan. Di sisi lain, Afghanistan juga memiliki keunikan kultural di mana Afghanistan memiliki setidaknya 14 suku bangsa berbeda dengan sejarah interaksi yang tidak akur membuat negara ini memiliki sejarah panjang terkait konflik antar etnis. Melalui pendekatan budaya strategis, kami berusaha menemukan bagaimana kedua faktor tersebut membentuk budaya militer dan budaya politik Afghanistan serta persepsinya terhadap ancaman, kemudian melihat bagaimana budaya militer, budaya politik, dan persepsinya terhadap ancaman tersebut pada akhirnya tidak mampu mengatasi ancaman yang ditimbulkan oleh Taliban.
TEKNOLOGI SEBAGAI INSTRUMEN POLITIK KEKUATAN BESAR: SEBUAH OVERVIEW TERHADAP PERANG TEKNOLOGI AS-CHINA Alfian, Muhammad Faizal; Hudaya, Maula; Anggraheni, Palupi; Zuliyan, Muhammad Arief
Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 10 No 1 (2025): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v10i1.3709

Abstract

Technology competition between the United States and China started to growth significantly at the international level. The United States has implemented highly restrictive policies toward Chinese technology accomplishments. In retaliation, China has responded to US sanctions and limited its access to advanced semiconductors by emphasizing independence and making investments in its own semiconductor manufacturing sector. With both countries imposing tariffs and restrictions on technology companies, the dispute has escalated into a full-fledged technology war. A series of policies have pushed the two countries further apart and towards a technology war. By using power analysis as the main conceptual framework, this research focuses on examining why technology is a fundamental aspect of the US-China great power rivalry. As a concept of power growth, technology accomplishment should not only be positioned as a medium to increase economic interests but also a tool to improve military capabilities and national security. The shifting from technological competition to technological supremacy for the purpose of political domination and influence is inevitable. Thus, technological war and power struggle also have the potential consequences of prolonged conflict and could transform the global economic and political landscape. Key words: Technological War, Great Power Politics, US-China Rivarly
Assessing Inclusivity vs. Exclusivity: Impacts on ASEAN Trade Facilitation and Human Security Putranti, Ika Riswanti; Warsono, Hardi; Paganizza, Valeria; Hadi, Dedi Abdul; Alfian, Muhammad Faizal; Subhan, Muhammad; Fatharini, Anjani Tri; Hudaya, Maula; Zuliyan, Muhammad Arief; Setiyaningsih, Dewi
Indonesian Journal of International Law
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

The ATIGA (Association of Southeast Asian Nations Trade in Goods Agreement) is an evolution of economic cooperation among ASEAN member countries which began in 1977 with the PTA (Preferential Trade Agreement) embryonic concept and was developed in the 1990s with the CEPT (Common Effective Preferential Tariff). It has driven a significant increase in intra-trade and external trade in the Southeast Asian region. The agreement was to establish a free trade zone that provides the concept of “preferences” by reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers for member countries in order to encourage regional economic growth through trade creation and trade diversion is considered capable of strengthening the integration of regional regionalism. Indonesia is one of the key players in ASEAN and is interested in being able to increase its role in trade and economic development in the Southeast Asian region. It continues to strive to ensure commitment to implement the ATIGA can be realized by opening the widest possible access for all elements. Indonesians can take advantage of the facilities provided in international agreements. This research uses a qualitative explanatory method. The research finding shows in line with the increase in the flow of goods and services in the region, the challenges of implementing a regional free trade zone are also increasingly complex and causing several impacts that need to be studied immediately, such as environmental issues, food security, terrorism, intellectual property rights, and human rights. The paradox of service versus security in service-oriented trade facilities should not simply abandon the element of oversight to safeguard national interests, one of which is in the aspect of fulfilling human security.
Co-Authors Agung Tri Putra Alfian, Muhammad Faizal Anggraheni, Palupi Fatharini, Anjani Tri Hadi, Dedi Abdul Hardi Warsono Ika Riswanti Putranti Muhammad Subhan Nira, Fadhilah Permata Paganizza, Valeria Putri, Rizky Anggia Rizky Anggia Putri Rizky Anggia Putri setiyaningsih, dewi Zuliyan, Muhammad Arief