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All Journal Jurnal Manajemen Terapan dan Keuangan Jurnal Teliska STUDIA ISLAMIKA Jurnal Perempuan JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik) Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Journal Publicuho Jurnal Perempuan Vox Populi TheJournalish: Social and Government jurnal syntax admiration Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Electoral Governance : Jurnal Tata Kelola Pemilu Indonesia Interdisciplinary Social Studies Journal of Government and Political Issues Law Development Journal Jurnal Politik JRP (Jurnal Review Politik) Masyarakat: Jurnal Sosiologi Jurnal Sarjana Ilmu Pendidikan Studia Islamika
Perdana Aditya, Perdana
Departemen Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, Jl.Margonda Raya, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat
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Faces of Women’s Activists in the Parliament: Achievements and Political Recommendations Perdana, Aditya
Jurnal Perempuan Vol 19, No 2 (2014): 2014 General Election & Women Politicians
Publisher : Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan

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Abstract

This article describes how seven female activists from civil organizations participate in 2004 and 2009 elections. On the frame of the implementation of women’s representation in parliament that has been started since 2004 election, this article unearths women’s representation movement based on the actors’ experiences to participate in election. Using case study method and analysis with process tracing, this article argues that women activists, who participated in two elections, have contributed to implement women’s representation into their political parties and parliament.
Women Political Movements After 20 Years of Reformasi in Indonesia Perdana, Aditya; Wildianti, Delia
Jurnal Perempuan Vol 24, No 1 (2019): Indonesian Feminists’ Discourse and Politics
Publisher : Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (18.573 KB) | DOI: 10.34309/jp.v24i1.297

Abstract

The main question in this article is how is the achievement of women political movements after 20 years of reformation in Indonesia? This article elaborates two things which are foundation reasons for examining why women movement in politics have stagnant position and offering strategic agenda that could be discussed for attracting young women in political arena. There are three main reasons to see women movement after Reformation 1998. First aspect is considering civil society characteristics and also party politics in Indonesia which are unique. Second issue is there are established political interaction between both organizations. Third issue are concerning on electoral competition that is important to highlight. That is how to endorse the winning of women candidates in each election could be achieved. We believe that to build connectivity and linkage between young women generation and party politics is strategic step for party politics for resolving the necessity of women candidacy and their winning opportunities in elections.  
Judicialization of politics in Indonesia’s electoral system Case study: judicial review on threshold, balloting structure, and simultaneous election at constitutional court Pratama, Heroik Mutaqin; Perdana, Aditya
Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 6, No 1 (2021): Local Politics
Publisher : Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.32599

Abstract

Why does the judicial review process highly influence the electoral system design in Indonesia at the Constitutional Court? Whose interests and what kind of interests are served by the judicial review process at the Constitutional Court towards the electoral system in Indonesia? By analyzing constitutional court verdicts from its inception on August 13, 2003, until the beginning of 2020, this study tries to answer those two questions by using judicialization of political theory. This study found that the extension of the authority of the judicial institution to produce political decisions through the judicial review mechanism can be regarded as the opening of political opportunity structure as a new platform for political actors to achieve their interest in election regulations. For example, to meet one of the electoral systems, a political party is underwhelming variables like the parliamentary threshold requirement specified in the election law. They come to the Constitutional Court to request a judicial review on the threshold requirement and plead the Court to revoke the requirement. Meanwhile, civil society groups, which are not the direct participants of the election, will also utilize the medium provided by the Constitutional Court to challenge various provisions in the election law to create a more democratic electoral system. This study concludes that the Constitutional Court is seen as the guarding of constitutional law enforcement institutions and a power relations arena where different political actors strive to realize their political interests or agenda on election laws.
PENGARUH TAGAR #2019GANTIPRESIDEN TERHADAP PARTISIPASI POLITIK MILENIAL Iqbal Themi; Aditya Perdana
TheJournalish: Social and Government Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): February:TheJournalish
Publisher : CV The Journal Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55314/tsg.v2i1.59

Abstract

Abstrak: Evolusi perkembang internet dan munculnya media baru (Media Sosial) mempengaruhi banyak peristiwa politik, yang paling sering disoroti adalah terkait pengaruh penggunaan media sosial terhadap partisipasi politik. Namun sejauh ini literatur yang ada hanya menunjukan pengaruh langsung antara penggunaan media sosial dan partisipasi politik tanpa proses mekanisme psikologis yang terjadi. Selain itu, fenomena tagar di Indonesia juga kurang mendapat perhatian para ilmuwan padahal tagar sebagai bagian dari konsep viralitas memiliki kemampuan penyebaran informasi dalam skala besar dan cepat bahkan dalam beberapa kasus mempengaruhi gerakan sosial. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini berupaya untuk menguji pengaruh konten tagar #2019GantiPresiden terhadap partisipasi politik online dan offline (low/high) dengan menggunakan Model Partisipasi Politik Media Sosial (SMPPM). Adapun metode yang digunakan adalah kuantitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data berdasarkan kuisioner dan teknik analisa regresi linier sederhana. Hasilnya (1) pengaruh tagar #2019GantiPresiden terhadap partisipasi online (low/high) lebih besar dibanding terhadap partisipasi offline (low/high), (2) konten tagar #2019GantiPresiden tidak memiliki tujuan partisipatif dan dan tidak lebih dominan dibanding tujuan individu sekalipun mereka sepakat dengan tagar tersebut, sehingga (3) tidak dapat meningkatkan rata-rata responden yang pernah melakukan partisipasi online/offline (low) menuju partisipasi online/offline (high).
KLIENTALISME DAN NOKEN: Studi Kasus Keterpilihan Anggota Dpr Ri Dari Partai Nasdem Dapil Papua Di Kabupaten Jayawijaya Pada Pemilu 2019 OKTAVINA SATTU PASAU; ADITYA PERDANA
Journal Publicuho Vol 5, No 2 (2022): May-July
Publisher : Universitas Halu Oleo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/jpu.v5i2.25568

Abstract

This study wants to explain the use of clientelism in the general election in Papua that applies the noken system. The Noken system itself is an election system in which there are two ways. First, Noken as a substitute for the ballot box, and secondly, the choice of indigenous peoples will be represented by the Chief of the Tribe. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method through interviews with informants as primary data and literature studies as secondary data. The purpose of this study is to reveal that the clientelistic phenomenon does not only occur in elections with a one man, one vote system like elections in general, but it also occurs in the noken election system, either by the method of representation through tribal chiefs or using noken as a substitute for ballot boxes. The clientelism theory used is according to Aspinall and Barenschot, who see clientelism through three dimensions, namely the Network dimension, the Resource Dimension, and the Discretionary Control Dimension. This theory was then relevant to be used by Roberth Rouw because he used the Network dimension through proximity to Regional Heads and Tribal Heads to obtain the majority of indigenous people's votes, the Resource Dimension was also used to build communication through stone burning parties and Roberth Rouw used the Discretion Control Dimension to show his performance. to the public during his tenure so that during the 2019 Election, Roberth Rouw managed to get 170,848 votes in Jayawijaya Regency and managed to sit in the DPR RI
Konflik Kepentingan Pemerintah Provinsi Kalimantan Utara dan Kota Tarakan Pasca Pemekaran Daerah: Studi Tentang Konflik Aset Pelabuhan Tengkayu I dan Tengkayu II Mustajib; Aditya Perdana
Vox Populi Vol 5 No 1 (2022): VOX POPULI
Publisher : ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI (UIN) ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/vp.v5i1.29289

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengurai penyebab konflik aset pelabuhan Tengkayu I dan Tengkayu II antara pemerintah Provinsi Kalimantan Utara dan pemerintah Kota Tarakan dan untuk mengurai upaya kedua belah pihak untuk mencari jalan keluar sebagai resolusi konflik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan teknik pengumpulan data berupa studi dokumen dan wawancara dengan narasumber yang telah ditentukan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penyebab konflik aset pelabuhan tersebut adalah hadirnya Undang-Undang No. 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah yang mengatur terkait aset pemerintah provinsi dan kabupaten/kota serta janji kampanye gubernur terpilih yang terkendala oleh aturan. Sementara itu, upaya berupa negosiasi untuk menengahi konflik aset pelabuhan sedang berjalan seperti pembentukan perumda, perseroda dan upaya untuk meminta kementrian dalam negeri melakukan revisi terhadap Undang-Undang No. 23 Tahun 2014.
Electoral Manipulation Informationally on Hoax Production in 2019 Presidential and Vice Presidential Election in Indonesia Wildhan Khalyubi; Aditya Perdana
Journal of Government and Political Issues Vol. 1 No. 2 (2021): November
Publisher : Mengeja Indonesia Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (424.785 KB) | DOI: 10.53341/jgpi.v1i2.17

Abstract

This research aims to explain the hoax phenomenon with the concept of electoral manipulation in the form of information on the holding of 2019 Presidential and Vice Presidential General Election. Hoax problems in elections are often found in several countries such as Venezuela, France, the United States, and Indonesia. This research is qualitative research by combining primary and secondary data. Primary data was obtained through interview techniques with several institutions concerned about elections and hoaxes. Meanwhile, secondary data was obtained through literature, news, and documentation which support this research. As Alberto Simpser’s view in this research expresses, electoral manipulation aims to increase the influence of groups of political actors on citizens as voters. Electoral manipulation was seen as a tool to win the upcoming elections and as a tool to influence people's behavior - elites, citizens, bureaucrats, organizations, politicians, and others - with excessive and blatant manipulation seeming logical. Therefore, this research found that by linking hoaxes as a form of informational electoral manipulation, it is found that hoaxes do not only attack political opponents. However, hoaxes as a part of electoral manipulation in the form of information have implications for efforts to delegitimize public trust in electoral organizers, especially the General Election Commission (KPU).
Managing Indonesian Head of Local Government Elections During the COVID-19 Pandemic Period Perdana, Aditya
Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This paper analyses the Local Government elections (Pilkada) in Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic in relation to its postponement by looking at three critical aspects in the electoral management framework decision-making process, service outputs, and service outcomes framed. Some findings of this paper are: first, decision making for conducting the Pilkada 2020 was politically uneasy; second, good quality of service outputs from Pilkada 2020 was signed by convenience dimension which can be captured by voter compliance on health protocols in the polling station; third, the best evaluation for service outcomes is coming from the high percentage of voters turn out that need to explore more on that phenomena.
Connective Action in College Student Activism: Case Study of Indonesian College Student Demonstration in September 2019 Rangga Kusumo; Aditya Perdana
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal (BIRCI-Journal) Vol 5, No 3 (2022): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute August
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v5i3.6651

Abstract

After the 1998 Reform, the student movement in Indonesia Has more freedom to protest because it is guaranteed by the constitution. The Advances in technology are progressively making student movements appear to be more creative and involve various elements by utilizing social media. In September 2019, there were a series of student demonstrations centered in front of the Indonesian Parliament Building (DPR). The form of demonstrations was not only massively done in the field (offline), but also massively done on social media (online). This research uses a qualitative approach with a case study method. The research instrument used to obtain data is through interviews and literature studies. Referring to the theory of Bennet and Segerberg (2013) about connective action, this research found that there was a connection between the September 2019 student demonstrations with digital actions in the shape of personal action frames. The Twitter accounts that was identified, they were engaged in conversations on social media and expressed their personal attitudes through various forms, for examples were photos, videos, and posters. All of these accounts were related and created a collective cluster by means of the same hashtag and narrative, namely to reject the Draft Legislation of Criminal Code (RKUHP), revisions to the KPK Law and other Draft legislations those were deemed problematic. The student demonstration in September 2019 is included in the typology of organizationally-enabled action since it did not only occur massively in the field (offline), but also occured in a hybrid way in digital media (online). The formal structure, namely the Indonesian Student Alliance, had the role of coordinating actions in the field, as well as social media which led to open widely of participation from various groups to get involved in the action. Nevertheless, the massive digital action that occurred, was not the part in the design of the student movement, but happened organically and naturally.
The Politics of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) Post-Reformation 1998 Perdana, Aditya
Masyarakat: Jurnal Sosiologi Vol. 20, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

After the reformation (reformasi) in 1998, some civil society organizations (CSOs) have en- dorsed policy changes from outside the government and have involved in many ministries’ assistance team to implement government’s development programs. These CSOs’ political action changes from outside to become inside the government are caused by the openness of political opportunity from political regime after Reformasi. Even though CSOs have used these political opportunities, these organizations faced seriously challenges in politi- cal field such as the fragmented of CSOs to endorse many policy reform and changes. In addition, there is lack of supporting changes in political culture structures which are still continuing patronage relations legacies among political actors. This study strengthens Aspinall (2013a) and Mietzner (2013) arguments about how the CSOs take political op- portunity after Reformasi and their challenges and response in order to adapt in Soeharto’s political legacy in two political arenas: the policy making process and electoral politics. Moreover, Indonesian CSOs are fragmented and weakened for endorsing some progressive issues in law making process in the House and their weakness to gain electoral support for winning the CSOs candidates in election. To gather relevant data about CSOs political activities in these arenas, this study applies process tracing method. The study’s findings confirm that even though there is more openness on political opportunity to participate in political arena, however, it seems that there are no supporting changes in political structures which are patronage relations among political actors. Therefore, Indonesian CSOs are fragmented and weakened for endorsing some progressive issues in law making process in the House and their weakness to gain electoral support for winning the CSOs candidates in election.
Co-Authors A. Rahman Ahmad Alhamid Buana, Natasha Adhyswasti Padma C Rinaldi A Lesmana Diah Anggraini, Diah Fadillah, Mochamad Rayhan Firman Noor Iqbal Themi Jamil, Ahmad Islamy Mahfudhi, M. Anas Mustajib OKTAVINA SATTU PASAU Pratama, Heroik Mutaqin Purba, Jhon Mejer Rangga Kusumo RD Kusumanto Rofian, Rofian Simanjuntak, Gabriel Panahatan Sukamto Sukamto ummah, Aniqotul Wahid Megantoro Wijaya, Dody Wildhan Khalyubi Wildianti, Delia