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Penguasaan Negara terhadap Pemanfaatan Sumber Daya Alam Ruang Angkasa Menurut Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 Athari Farhani; Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 16, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (419.205 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1622

Abstract

Pasca amandemen UUD Negara Republik Indonesia 1945 Pasal 33 ayat (3) yang berbunyi “Bumi, air dan kekayaan yang terkandung di dalamnya dikuasai oleh negara dan dipergunakan sebesar-besarnya bagi kemakmuran rakyat” penguasaan negara yang ada dalam Pasal 33 ayat (3) tersebut hanya mengatur pada bumi, air dan yang terkandung di dalamnya. Padahal saat ini keberadaan ruang angkasa berhubungan erat dengan hajat hidup orang banyak, salah satunya pemanfaatan GSO (geo stationary orbit) yang merupakan sumber daya alam terbatas. Sehingga hal tersebut menimbulkan masalah baru khususnya bagi Indonesia sebagai negara khatulistiwa yang mana penempatan GSO berada di atasnya. Masalah tersebut adalah bagaimana internalisasi terkait konsep penguasaan negara menurut Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD NRI 1945 terhadap pemanfaatan sumber daya alam yang ada dalam wilayah ruang angkasa, serta bagaimana regulasi-regulasi yang mengatur terkait pemanfaatan sumber daya alam di wilayah ruang angkasa apakah sudah sesuai dipergunakan sebesar-besarnya bagi kemakmuran rakyat. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan metode penelitian analisis kualitatif. Hasil dari penelitian ini memberikan gambaran bahwa keberadaan ruang angkasa memiliki peranan penting bagi setiap negara, khususnya keberadaan GSO sebagai sumber daya alam terbatas, keberadan GSO hanya ada di atas khatulistiwa dan Indonesia salah satu negara yang dilalui garis khatulistiwa. Beragam konvensi internasional yang telah disahkan ke dalam peraturan di Indonesia maupun regulasi yang ada di Indonesia berkenaan dengan pemanfaatan ruang angkasa sampai saat ini belum memberikan manfaat dan pengaturan yang komprehensif terkait memanfaatkan sumber daya alam yang terkandung dalam wilayah ruang angkasa tersebut, sehingga menjadi suatu keharusan bagi Indonesia sebagai negara yang berdaulat untuk memberikan jaminan secara konstitusional bagi keberadaan sumber daya alam yang ada dalam wilayah ruang angkasa untuk dipergunakan sebesar-besarnya bagi kemakmuran rakyat.After the amendment to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Article 33 paragraph (3) that stated "The land, the water and the natural resources within shall be under the powers of the State and shall be used to the greatest benefit of the people" the state authorities in Article 33 paragraph (3) only regulates earth, water and and the natural resources within. Whereas today, the existence of the outer space is closely associated with the lives of many people, as such, the utilization of GSO (Geostationary Orbit) which is a limited natural resource. So that it rises new issues, especially for Indonesia as an equatorial country where the placement of GSOs is above it. The problem is how to internalization the utilization of natural resources in outer space (related to the concept of state authorities according to Article 33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia), and how the regulation that regulates the utilitazion of natural resources in outer space are appropriately used to the greatest benefit of the people. This study aims to answer these two issuess by investigating normatively or library research. This law research conducted by analyzing secondary data from primary, secondary and tertiary materials. In this qualitative analysis research, the secondary data from primary, secondary and tertiary materials connected to each other and interpreted in order to find answers to solve the research issues. The results of this study provide an overview about the existence of outer space which has an important role for every country, especially the existence of the GSO as a limited natural resource. GSO only exists above the equator and Indonesia is one of the countries which is passed by the equator. International conventions that have been ratified into Indonesian regulations and regulations in Indonesia relating to the utilization of outer space have not provided a comprehensive benefits and regulations related to utilizing natural resources contained in these outer space areas, so that it becomes a necessity for Indonesia as a sovereign country to provide constitutional guarantees for the existence of natural resources that exist in the outer space to be used as much as possible for the prosperity of the people.
Penuangan Checks and Balances kedalam Konstitusi Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 3 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (409.219 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1334

Abstract

On Research “checks and balances” in legal studies often raises high quality questions such as, does the checks and balances is a doctrine, principle, or legal theory, or maybe precisely the formula of power in politics. History been recorded, that in any discussions regarding the formation of the constitutional separation, division and smelting power is something that is popular to be discussed before and even after becoming the constitution. Therefore, the casting of checks and balances into the constitution is an interesting study to determine the portion and posture.
Desain Konstitusional Hukum Migas untuk Sebesar-Besarnya Kemakmuran Rakyat Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 14, No 1 (2017)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (548.91 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1413

Abstract

Tata kelola migas Indonesia diatur dan dituangkan dalam suatu undang-undang. Undang-undang migas pertama adalah UU No 44 tahun 1960. UU ini kemudian diganti menjadi UU No. 8 Tahun 1971 yang memberikan fungsi ganda kepada Pertamina yaitu sebagai operator dan regulator, sedangkan fungsi kebijakan dijalankan oleh pemerintah. Penggabungan dua fungsi ini dikenal sebagai sistem dua kaki. UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 untuk menggantikan UU No. 8 Tahun 1971. UU yang baru ini memisahkan fungsi regulasi dari Pertamina dan memberikannya kepada lembaga yang dikenal sebagai BPMIGAS yang saat ini diganti menjadi SKK Migas. Pemisahan ketiga fungsi ini dikenal sebagai sistem tiga kaki. Akan tetapi, UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 banyak menerima kritikan, terutama karena UU ini dinilai terlalu liberal. Misalnya, Pertamina sebagai perusahaan negara (NOC) harus bersaing secara terbuka dengan perusahaan asing (IOC) yang notabene mempunyai banyak kelebihan baik dalam teknologi, kapital, maupun manajemen resiko; sehingga UU ini sering dicap sebagai pro-asing karena UU No 22 tersebut ternyata lebih banyak memberikan kelonggaran kepada IOC. Alhasil, beberapa kelompok masyarakat maupun perorangan mengajukan gugatan kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) untuk meninjau kembali beberapa pasal. Sejak UU No 22/2001 disahkan, Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) telah beberapa kali melakukan pembatalan terhadap pasal-pasal dalam UU tersebut, sehingga legalitas secara utuh dari UU tersebut dipertanyakan. Carut marutnya Tata kelola migas yang ada telah menyebabkan stagnasi berkepanjangan dalam industri migas nasional, bahkan lebih tepat telah menurunkan kinerja industri strategis ini. Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk memberikan uraian berkenaan dengan fondasi desain Hukum Migas berbasiskan arah dari putusan-putusan MK terkait UU No 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak dan Gas Bumi.Indonesian oil and gas governance and has set forth in a spesific law. The first oil and gas laws is Emergency Law No. 44 of 1960. This law was changed to the Law No. 8 of 1971 which provides a dual function, namely to Pertamina (NOC) as the operator and regulator, while the functions of the policy making implemented by the government. These two functions is known as 'two feet'. Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 as new law start separating regulatory functions from Pertamina and give it to the state agencies known as BPMIGAS which is now changed to SKK Migasfor upstream and BPH Migas for downstream. These functions is known as 'three feet'. However, Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 received a lot of criticism, because this law is considered too liberal. For example, Pertamina as a NationalOil Company (NOC) have to compete openly with a International Oil company (IOC) that in fact has many advantages both in technology, capital, and risk management; so this law is often labeled as pro-foreign as Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 turned out to give more leeway to the IOC. As a result, Civil Society through NGO and individuals filed a lawsuit with the Constitutional Court (MK) to review most of the article which indicated inconstitutional norm. Since Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 was passed, the Constitutional Court (MK) has has decided to null and avoidmost of the clauses in the Law, so that legality is in question. Bawdy Governance under existing oil and gas Law has led to prolonged stagnation in the national oil and gas industry, even more appropriately have lowered the performance of this strategic industry. This study is intended to provide a description with respect to create design based on the direction of the Oil and Gas Law of Constitutional Court Desicions
Problematika Kebijakan Hukum Terbuka (Open Legal Policy) Masa Jabatan Hakim Konstitusi Athari Farhani; Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 17, No 3 (2020)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (436.861 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1739

Abstract

Discourse about periodization of the term of office of the Constitutional Court judge ended at the Constitutional Court Decision Number 53/PUU-XIV/2016 and Number 73/PUU-XIV/2016 which transferred the authority of regulating the term of the constitutional judge to be fully regulated by the legislators (open legal polic). This article discusses the problem of the term of office of the Constitutional Court judge, if it is regulated as an open legal policy for the quality of the independence of judicial power held by the Constitutional Court. This article was prepared based on the results of normative legal research using the statutory approach. This article provides two conclusions. First, the open legal policy in determining the periodization of the term of constitutional judge has the potential to reduce the degree of independence of the judicial power. Second, a relatively long period of time is an ideal concept for the term of office of constitutional judge. The term of office of constitutional judge should be aligned with the Supreme Court’s tenure.
ULTRA PETITA DALAM PENGUJIAN UNDANG-UNDANG DAN JALAN MENCAPAI KEADILAN KONSTITUSIONAL Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 9, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (351.464 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk912

Abstract

The existence of Constitutional Court after the amendment the 1945 Constitution of Republic Indonesia (1999-2002) brought a fundamental change in the constitutional review of norms. Constitutional review mechanism not just a “review” but the court is also required to search the essence of constitutional review itself and its relation to the constitutional rights. Therefore, the ultra petita decisions issued  by  the  Court should not  be  viewed  as  absurd  but as  a  way  to  uphold justice.
KEDUDUKAN DAN RELASI PERTANGGUNGJAWABAN HUKUM ANTARA ORGANISASI SAYAP PARTAI POLITIK TERHADAP PARTAI POLITIK Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Muhammad Ali; Surohmat Surohmat; Andisa Sekarani Wibowo; Muhammad Lutfiadi
FAIRNESS AND JUSTICE Vol 18, No 1 (2020): FAIRNESS AND JUSTICE
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32528/faj.v18i1.6524

Abstract

In Article 12 point j of Act Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, a political party has the right to form and have a Political Party Wing Organization.  However, there hasn’t been a further or a specific Political Party Wing Organization regulation both in the elucidation of the Act and the implementation regulations of the Act. This study has the main objective to find the legal status of the Political Party Wing Organization in Indonesia. This research is a normative juridical research. This study concluded that the legal status of the Political Party Wing Organization can be regulated as a public legal entity which is a part of the political party or an independent legal entity. We strongly suggest the regulation of the Political Party Wing Organization must be specified as a chapter in the Political Parties Act or perhaps as a new Act.
Development of the Use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) Technology and Jakarta Smart City (JSC) Taufiqurokhman; Murod, Ma’mun; Wibisono, Dany Kunto; Sasanti, Dyah Nur; Chandranegara, Ibnu Sina; Akram, Muhammad
Ilomata International Journal of Social Science Vol. 5 No. 3 (2024): July 2024
Publisher : Yayasan Ilomata

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.61194/ijss.v5i3.1203

Abstract

The research aims to explain the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Jakarta Smart City (JSC) technology, which was first implemented in Indonesia in 2014, starting in the Jakarta City Region (DKJ), followed by 100 cities, carried out to overcome the technology gap between regions. Use of AI and JSC by the government for public services, such as smart environment; people's economy; government; population mobility, and branding. Research methodology uses qualitative with a descriptive approach using observation instruments and direct interviews. The research period is three months (March to April 2024). Locations in seven JSC management units. The research population was in five JSC divisions, using a snowball pattern sample. The research results show that there has been an increase in the efficiency of public services using AI and JSC technology in transportation management; rubbish; city ​​security defense; and improving the quality of resources. Traffic congestion research recommendations, DKJ must develop innovations for all integrated public transportation facilities, by expanding the Integrated Highway (MRT) and Light Rail Transit (LRT) networks. For flooding problems, DKJ must use early digital detection technology for flood monitoring. In the future, DKJ hopes to implement an integrated digital payment system between the Resident Card and: Taxpayer Identification Number (NPWP), digital lifetime extension of the Driving License (SIM), processing of annual Vehicle Registration Certificates (STNK), and Vehicle Tax Proof Bermptor (BPKB) five-yearly all two-wheeled vehicles online (digitally) without queuing at the location.
Diferensiasi Fungsional Kejaksaan dan Kepolisian dalam Integrated Criminal Justice System (ICJS) Chandranegara, Ibnu Sina
National Multidisciplinary Sciences Vol. 4 No. 3 (2025): Proceeding MILENIUM 2
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32528/nms.v4i3.740

Abstract

Reformasi sistem peradilan di Indonesia merupakan langkah krusial dalam memperkuat negara hukum yang demokratis, terutama pasca-Orde Baru yang ditandai dengan ketidakmandirian lembaga peradilan, korupsi, dan rendahnya akses keadilan. Meski sudah berlangsung lebih dari dua dekade, reformasi ini masih menghadapi tantangan besar seperti lemahnya kemauan politik, dominasi kepentingan kekuasaan, serta belum tuntasnya pembaruan hukum acara pidana yang masih mewarisi sistem kolonial. Upaya pembentukan lembaga seperti Komisi Yudisial dan Mahkamah Konstitusi menjadi capaian penting, namun belum cukup menanggulangi budaya hukum yang transaksional. Dalam konteks pembahasan RUU KUHAP terbaru, muncul kekhawatiran atas dominasi jaksa penuntut umum yang mengaburkan batas fungsi antar lembaga penegak hukum, mengancam prinsip checks and balances. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif yang juga dikenal sebagai penelitian hukum kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian ini adalah Revitalisasi diferensiasi fungsional dalam sistem peradilan pidana merupakan suatu kebutuhan mendesak guna memastikan kejelasan, keseimbangan, dan profesionalisme dalam pelaksanaan tugas antar lembaga penegak hukum. Tumpang tindih kewenangan yang terjadi antara penyidik, penuntut umum, dan lembaga peradilan tidak hanya menghambat efektivitas penegakan hukum, tetapi juga berpotensi menimbulkan konflik kepentingan serta penyalahgunaan kewenangan. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan penataan secara normatif dan institusional yang tegas terhadap batas dan koordinasi antar fungsi tersebut. Langkah ini juga penting dalam rangka memperkuat prinsip due process of law dan equality before the law, di mana setiap aktor dalam sistem peradilan pidana menjalankan peran masing-masing secara independen namun tetap sinergis dalam kerangka hukum yang berkeadilan. Tanpa pembenahan ini, sistem peradilan pidana akan tetap rentan terhadap dominasi kekuasaan dan jauh dari tercapainya keadilan prosedural yang menjamin perlindungan hak semua pihak dalam proses hukum.
Judicial Reform and Democratic Consolidation in Indonesia Chandranegara, Ibnu Sina; Bakhri, Syaiful; Ali, Muhammad
Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol. 7 No. 3 (2019)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/jch.v7i3.12228

Abstract

AbstractConstitutional Reform after fall of Soeharto’s New Order bring favorable direction for judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, closing dark memories in the past. In addition, in Art 24 (2) of the 1945 Constitution decide the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There some problem which still remains, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court and Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through many ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what “is” and what “ought”, among others, First, by changes political configuration that tend to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. But in reality, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation which reduced constitutional guarantee. But in reality, many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence under democratic consolidation after fall of new order and conceptualize its order to strengthening rule of law in IndonesiaKeyword: Judicial Reform, Judicial Independence, Judicial Accountability, Democratic Consolidation AbstrakPerubahan UUD 1945 membawa arah yang menguntungkan bagi cabang kekuasaan kehakiman di Indonesia. Penjaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 24 (1) UUD 1945 seperti menutup ingatan kelam di masa lalu. Selain itu, dalam Pasal 24 (2) UUD 1945 yang menentukan kekuasaan kehakiman dipegang oleh Mahkamah Agung dan badan-badan peradilan di bawahnya  dan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dengan dasar ini, tidak ada landasan hukum sedikitpun bagi Presiden atau DPR untuk mengintervensi cabang kekuasaan kehakiman. Tetapi dalam kenyataannya, meskipun dalam sistem politik yang demokratis dan pengaturan konstitusional menegaskan jaminan kemerdekaan namun kenyataannya tidak mewakili situasi aktual. Terdapat beberapa masalah yang masih tersisa, seperti (i) tidak adanya format permanen mengenai hubungan kelembagaan antara Mahkamah Agung, Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Komisi Yudisial, (ii) masih banyak upaya untuk melemahkan peradilan melalui banyak cara kriminalisasi hakim. Mengacu pada masalah di atas, maka ada kesenjangan antara apa yang senyatanya dan apa yang seharusnya antara lain, Pertama, perubahan konfigurasi politik yang cenderung lebih demokratis, kekuasaan kehakiman harus lebih otonom. Namun dalam kenyataannya, berbagai masalah muncul seperti (i) ketidakharmonisan dalam mengatur pola hubungan antara aktor kekuasaan Kehakiman, (ii) berbagai upaya untuk mengkriminalkan hakim atas keputusan mereka, (iii) berkembangnya praktek mafia peradilan. Kedua, dengan jaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, seharusnya tidak akan ada undang-undang yang mengurangi jaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman. Namun pada kenyataannya, banyak peraturan perundang-undangan yang masih belum sejalan dengan jaminan konstitusional mengenai kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman. Makalah ini bermaksud menguraikan secara mendalam tentang bagaimana menerapkan jaminan konstitusional atas kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman dalam masa konsolidasi demokrasi pasca jatuhnya orde baru dan mengkonseptualisasikan agenda reformasi peradilan untuk memperkuat supremasi hukum di IndonesiaKeyword: Reformasi peradilan, kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, reformasi peradilan, konsolidasi reformasi АннотацияКонституционная реформа после падения Нового Порядка (New Order) Сухарто дала благоприятное направление для судебной власти. Конституционная гарантия на независимость судебной власти, регулируемая статьей 24 (1) Конституции 1945 года, позволяет оставить мрачные воспоминания в прошлом. Кроме того, в статье 24 (2) Конституции 1945 года определено, что судебная власть находится в ведении Верховного Суда, нижестоящих судебных органов и Конституционного Суда. Такие строгие нормативные директивы в сочетании с трансформацией политической системы в демократическом направлении должны привести к созданию независимой и автономной судебной власти. Но на самом деле, хотя в демократической политической системе и конституционных механизмах закрепляется гарантия независимости, онa не отражает реальную ситуацию. Существует ряд нерешенных вопросов, таких как (i) отсутствие постоянного формата об институциональных отношениях между Верховным Судом, Конституционным Судом и Судебной Комиссией, и (ii) по-прежнему предпринимаются многочисленные попытки ослабить судебную власть многими средствами, такими как криминализация судей. Ссылаясь на вышеупомянутую проблему, существует разрыв между тем, что «есть» и что «должно быть», среди прочего: во-первых, изменяя политические конфигурации, которые имеют тенденцию быть более демократичными, судебная власть должна быть более автономной. Во-вторых, с конституционной гарантией на независимость судебной власти не будет закона, который ограничивал бы конституционные гарантии. В этой статье рассматривается и подробно объясняется, как реализовать конституционные гарантии независимости судебной власти после политического преобразования и концептуализировать его порядок для укрепления верховенства закона в Индонезии.Ключевые слова: независимость судебной власти, судебная ответственность, судебная реформа
Comparative Presidential's Role, Systems and Constitutional Practice Between Indonesia and South Korea Cahyawati, Dwi Putri; Chandranegara, Ibnu Sina; Burhanuddin, Nizam; Yani, Ahmad
Jurnal Dinamika Hukum Vol 23, No 1 (2023)
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.jdh.2023.23.1.3521

Abstract

Indonesia and South Korea are two countries that both use a presidential system. This indicates that the two countries have something in common, especially regarding presidential institutions. But if we dive deeper, there are also differences between the two countries. But if you dive deeper, there are also differences between the two countries. This research has two research questions. What is the similarity between the presidential system in Indonesia and South Korea, and what are the differences between them. The results of the study found that although both use the presidential system of government, such a thing does not guarantee the equality of the position of the presidential institution in each country. In constitutional practice, there are variants of similarities and differences.