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ULTRA PETITA DALAM PENGUJIAN UNDANG-UNDANG DAN JALAN MENCAPAI KEADILAN KONSTITUSIONAL Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 9, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (351.464 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk912

Abstract

The existence of Constitutional Court after the amendment the 1945 Constitution of Republic Indonesia (1999-2002) brought a fundamental change in the constitutional review of norms. Constitutional review mechanism not just a “review” but the court is also required to search the essence of constitutional review itself and its relation to the constitutional rights. Therefore, the ultra petita decisions issued  by  the  Court should not  be  viewed  as  absurd  but as  a  way  to  uphold justice.
Penuangan Checks and Balances kedalam Konstitusi Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 3 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (409.219 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1334

Abstract

On Research “checks and balances” in legal studies often raises high quality questions such as, does the checks and balances is a doctrine, principle, or legal theory, or maybe precisely the formula of power in politics. History been recorded, that in any discussions regarding the formation of the constitutional separation, division and smelting power is something that is popular to be discussed before and even after becoming the constitution. Therefore, the casting of checks and balances into the constitution is an interesting study to determine the portion and posture.
Desain Konstitusional Hukum Migas untuk Sebesar-Besarnya Kemakmuran Rakyat Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 14, No 1 (2017)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (548.91 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1413

Abstract

Tata kelola migas Indonesia diatur dan dituangkan dalam suatu undang-undang. Undang-undang migas pertama adalah UU No 44 tahun 1960. UU ini kemudian diganti menjadi UU No. 8 Tahun 1971 yang memberikan fungsi ganda kepada Pertamina yaitu sebagai operator dan regulator, sedangkan fungsi kebijakan dijalankan oleh pemerintah. Penggabungan dua fungsi ini dikenal sebagai sistem dua kaki. UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 untuk menggantikan UU No. 8 Tahun 1971. UU yang baru ini memisahkan fungsi regulasi dari Pertamina dan memberikannya kepada lembaga yang dikenal sebagai BPMIGAS yang saat ini diganti menjadi SKK Migas. Pemisahan ketiga fungsi ini dikenal sebagai sistem tiga kaki. Akan tetapi, UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 banyak menerima kritikan, terutama karena UU ini dinilai terlalu liberal. Misalnya, Pertamina sebagai perusahaan negara (NOC) harus bersaing secara terbuka dengan perusahaan asing (IOC) yang notabene mempunyai banyak kelebihan baik dalam teknologi, kapital, maupun manajemen resiko; sehingga UU ini sering dicap sebagai pro-asing karena UU No 22 tersebut ternyata lebih banyak memberikan kelonggaran kepada IOC. Alhasil, beberapa kelompok masyarakat maupun perorangan mengajukan gugatan kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) untuk meninjau kembali beberapa pasal. Sejak UU No 22/2001 disahkan, Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) telah beberapa kali melakukan pembatalan terhadap pasal-pasal dalam UU tersebut, sehingga legalitas secara utuh dari UU tersebut dipertanyakan. Carut marutnya Tata kelola migas yang ada telah menyebabkan stagnasi berkepanjangan dalam industri migas nasional, bahkan lebih tepat telah menurunkan kinerja industri strategis ini. Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk memberikan uraian berkenaan dengan fondasi desain Hukum Migas berbasiskan arah dari putusan-putusan MK terkait UU No 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak dan Gas Bumi.Indonesian oil and gas governance and has set forth in a spesific law. The first oil and gas laws is Emergency Law No. 44 of 1960. This law was changed to the Law No. 8 of 1971 which provides a dual function, namely to Pertamina (NOC) as the operator and regulator, while the functions of the policy making implemented by the government. These two functions is known as 'two feet'. Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 as new law start separating regulatory functions from Pertamina and give it to the state agencies known as BPMIGAS which is now changed to SKK Migasfor upstream and BPH Migas for downstream. These functions is known as 'three feet'. However, Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 received a lot of criticism, because this law is considered too liberal. For example, Pertamina as a NationalOil Company (NOC) have to compete openly with a International Oil company (IOC) that in fact has many advantages both in technology, capital, and risk management; so this law is often labeled as pro-foreign as Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 turned out to give more leeway to the IOC. As a result, Civil Society through NGO and individuals filed a lawsuit with the Constitutional Court (MK) to review most of the article which indicated inconstitutional norm. Since Oil and Gas Law No 22 of 2001 was passed, the Constitutional Court (MK) has has decided to null and avoidmost of the clauses in the Law, so that legality is in question. Bawdy Governance under existing oil and gas Law has led to prolonged stagnation in the national oil and gas industry, even more appropriately have lowered the performance of this strategic industry. This study is intended to provide a description with respect to create design based on the direction of the Oil and Gas Law of Constitutional Court Desicions
Problematika Kebijakan Hukum Terbuka (Open Legal Policy) Masa Jabatan Hakim Konstitusi Athari Farhani; Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 17, No 3 (2020)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (436.861 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1739

Abstract

Discourse about periodization of the term of office of the Constitutional Court judge ended at the Constitutional Court Decision Number 53/PUU-XIV/2016 and Number 73/PUU-XIV/2016 which transferred the authority of regulating the term of the constitutional judge to be fully regulated by the legislators (open legal polic). This article discusses the problem of the term of office of the Constitutional Court judge, if it is regulated as an open legal policy for the quality of the independence of judicial power held by the Constitutional Court. This article was prepared based on the results of normative legal research using the statutory approach. This article provides two conclusions. First, the open legal policy in determining the periodization of the term of constitutional judge has the potential to reduce the degree of independence of the judicial power. Second, a relatively long period of time is an ideal concept for the term of office of constitutional judge. The term of office of constitutional judge should be aligned with the Supreme Court’s tenure.
Fungsi Falsafah Negara Dalam Penerapan Konsep Negara Hukum Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol 2, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/jch.v1i1.1448

Abstract

Abstract: The function of Philosophy State; The application Concept in State laws. One form of the modern state is a state law that is considered more modern and humane in comparison with ancient conception of the state power. However, not all countries have expressed and declared its country as having a basic law of the state or country state philosophy. Preferred the birth of Pancasila as the state, on the other hand the whole constitution in force ever and always include Pancasila and state law as the concept of the Indonesian state. This paper focuses on a critical analysis of the functioning of the state philosophy in the application of state law in the Indonesian context. Abstrak: Fungsi Falsafah Negara Dalam Penerapan Konsep Negara hukum. Salah satu bentuk negara modern adalah negara hukum yang dianggap lebih modern dan manusiawi dibandingkan dengan konsepsi kuno mengenai negara kekuasaan. Namun tidak semua negara yang menyatakan dan mendeklarasikan dirinya sebagai negara hukum mempuntai dasar negara atau falsafah negara. Pancasila kelahirannya sudah dikehendaki sebagai dasar negara, disisi lain seluruh konstitusi yang pernah dan sedang berlaku selalu mencantumkan pancasila dan negara hukum sebagai konsep negara Indonesia. Tulisan ini menfokuskan terhadap analisis kritis tentang fungsi falsafah negara dalam penerapan negara hukum dalam konteks Indonesia. DOI: 10.15408/jch.v1i1.1448
Institutional Arrangements of the Political Party Wing on the Functions of Political Parties Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Syaiful Bakhri
Jurnal Hukum Novelty Vol 12, No 2 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Ahmad Dahlan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26555/novelty.v12i2.a17870

Abstract

Introduction to the Problem: In post-constitutional reform, every political party seeks to maximize each component within its party structure. One feature that has direct contact with the society is the political party wing, which is an essential resource in the regeneration of political party in internalizing its ideology and the development of the militancy character that can be done more efficiently. The institutional arrangements of the political party wing so far are still minimal. The limitations of the organizational structures of the political party wing have an impact on the uncertainty regarding the institutional organization of their wing organization.Objectives of the Study: This article identifies and examines the implication of the provision on the political party wing towards the institutional clarity of their wing organization; and the implications of the institutional arrangements of the political party wing on the functions of the political party.Methodology: This article uses normative legal research that analyses relevant secondary data related to the political party wing. This study concluded that the political party wing could be regulated as a public legal entity that is a part of the political party or an independent legal entity.Findings: This study indicates that the unclear provision regarding the political party wing is the potential to provide diverse interpretations by the political party in its institutional wing organization which is counterproductive or offers no meaning to the realization of the functions of the political party.Paper Type: Research Article
Bentuk-Bentuk Perampingan dan Harmonisasi Regulasi Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 26 No. 3: SEPTEMBER 2019
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol26.iss3.art1

Abstract

Since the reformation era, the number of laws and regulations has continued to increase. In the period 2000-2017 there have been 35,901 regulations. The highest number is Regional Regulation (Perda), which has reached 14,225 Perda. Followed by Ministerial Regulation (Permen) as many as 11,873 regulations. While on the third place, sit 3,163 non-ministerial regulations. This research has the main objective of finding the best alternative policy to simplify and rearrange the regulations as an agenda for the law reform. This is a normative juridical research. The data used are secondary data that includes primary and secondary legal material in the form of relevant laws and regulations used as samples as examples of regulations that are out of sync, incoherent, and potentially overlapping. The results concluded that the arrangement of the regulations can be carried out on three sectors, which are the simplification of regulations, reconceptualization in order to understand the regulatory requirements, and creating synergies amongst the the law-makers.
Kompabilitas Penggunaan Metode Omnibus Dalam Pembentukan Undang-Undang Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 27 No. 2: MEI 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol27.iss2.art2

Abstract

Each legal system has its own theory of statutory formation, both countries that apply civil law and common law legal systems. The tendency to form laws in Indonesia after the realization of the need for regulatory reform has resulted in a growing awareness of making breakthroughs by using the omnibus method which is generally applicable in countries that apply the common law system. The question is whether this method is suitable to be adopted into the legal system of Indonesia? This article intends to examine the compatibility of the omnibus method and the solutions that need to be used to overcome its compatibility problems. This research concludes that if Indonesia is to adopt the omnibus method, it also requires a consolidation method before and after the enactment of legislation with the omnibus method, this is intended to consolidate it with the affected legislation.
Perbandingan Administrasi Peradilan Dalam Keadaan Darurat (Judicial Emergency) Akibat Pandemi Covid-19 Di Amerika Serikat Dan Di Indonesia Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 28 No. 1: JANUARI 2021
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol28.iss1.art3

Abstract

The determination of a state of emergency clearly affects not only the executive and legislative branches of power but also the judicial power. The establishment of a state of emergency for the Covid-19 Pandemic in various countries has a direct or indirect effect on judicial powers in carrying out their duties and functions. This article is intended to compare the application of judicial emergency in the United States and how it reflects on judicial power in Indonesia. This study uses the comparative constitutional law method, which is to compare the material of constitutional law and practice in other countries to take the best materials and practices and provide suggestions that should be avoided in positive constitutional law. This article concludes that there is a need for strict legal material in the law of judicial powers and the procedural law in Indonesia so that it does not delegate too much technical authority in dealing with emergencies in the judiciary.
Judicial Reform and Democratic Consolidation in Indonesia Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Syaiful Bakhri; Muhammad Ali
Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol 7, No 3 (2019)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/jch.v7i3.12228

Abstract

AbstractConstitutional Reform after fall of Soeharto’s New Order bring favorable direction for judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, closing dark memories in the past. In addition, in Art 24 (2) of the 1945 Constitution decide the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There some problem which still remains, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court and Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through many ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what “is” and what “ought”, among others, First, by changes political configuration that tend to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. But in reality, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation which reduced constitutional guarantee. But in reality, many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence under democratic consolidation after fall of new order and conceptualize its order to strengthening rule of law in IndonesiaKeyword: Judicial Reform, Judicial Independence, Judicial Accountability, Democratic Consolidation AbstrakPerubahan UUD 1945 membawa arah yang menguntungkan bagi cabang kekuasaan kehakiman di Indonesia. Penjaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 24 (1) UUD 1945 seperti menutup ingatan kelam di masa lalu. Selain itu, dalam Pasal 24 (2) UUD 1945 yang menentukan kekuasaan kehakiman dipegang oleh Mahkamah Agung dan badan-badan peradilan di bawahnya  dan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dengan dasar ini, tidak ada landasan hukum sedikitpun bagi Presiden atau DPR untuk mengintervensi cabang kekuasaan kehakiman. Tetapi dalam kenyataannya, meskipun dalam sistem politik yang demokratis dan pengaturan konstitusional menegaskan jaminan kemerdekaan namun kenyataannya tidak mewakili situasi aktual. Terdapat beberapa masalah yang masih tersisa, seperti (i) tidak adanya format permanen mengenai hubungan kelembagaan antara Mahkamah Agung, Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Komisi Yudisial, (ii) masih banyak upaya untuk melemahkan peradilan melalui banyak cara kriminalisasi hakim. Mengacu pada masalah di atas, maka ada kesenjangan antara apa yang senyatanya dan apa yang seharusnya antara lain, Pertama, perubahan konfigurasi politik yang cenderung lebih demokratis, kekuasaan kehakiman harus lebih otonom. Namun dalam kenyataannya, berbagai masalah muncul seperti (i) ketidakharmonisan dalam mengatur pola hubungan antara aktor kekuasaan Kehakiman, (ii) berbagai upaya untuk mengkriminalkan hakim atas keputusan mereka, (iii) berkembangnya praktek mafia peradilan. Kedua, dengan jaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, seharusnya tidak akan ada undang-undang yang mengurangi jaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman. Namun pada kenyataannya, banyak peraturan perundang-undangan yang masih belum sejalan dengan jaminan konstitusional mengenai kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman. Makalah ini bermaksud menguraikan secara mendalam tentang bagaimana menerapkan jaminan konstitusional atas kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman dalam masa konsolidasi demokrasi pasca jatuhnya orde baru dan mengkonseptualisasikan agenda reformasi peradilan untuk memperkuat supremasi hukum di IndonesiaKeyword: Reformasi peradilan, kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, reformasi peradilan, konsolidasi reformasi АннотацияКонституционная реформа после падения Нового Порядка (New Order) Сухарто дала благоприятное направление для судебной власти. Конституционная гарантия на независимость судебной власти, регулируемая статьей 24 (1) Конституции 1945 года, позволяет оставить мрачные воспоминания в прошлом. Кроме того, в статье 24 (2) Конституции 1945 года определено, что судебная власть находится в ведении Верховного Суда, нижестоящих судебных органов и Конституционного Суда. Такие строгие нормативные директивы в сочетании с трансформацией политической системы в демократическом направлении должны привести к созданию независимой и автономной судебной власти. Но на самом деле, хотя в демократической политической системе и конституционных механизмах закрепляется гарантия независимости, онa не отражает реальную ситуацию. Существует ряд нерешенных вопросов, таких как (i) отсутствие постоянного формата об институциональных отношениях между Верховным Судом, Конституционным Судом и Судебной Комиссией, и (ii) по-прежнему предпринимаются многочисленные попытки ослабить судебную власть многими средствами, такими как криминализация судей. Ссылаясь на вышеупомянутую проблему, существует разрыв между тем, что «есть» и что «должно быть», среди прочего: во-первых, изменяя политические конфигурации, которые имеют тенденцию быть более демократичными, судебная власть должна быть более автономной. Во-вторых, с конституционной гарантией на независимость судебной власти не будет закона, который ограничивал бы конституционные гарантии. В этой статье рассматривается и подробно объясняется, как реализовать конституционные гарантии независимости судебной власти после политического преобразования и концептуализировать его порядок для укрепления верховенства закона в Индонезии.Ключевые слова: независимость судебной власти, судебная ответственность, судебная реформа