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All Journal Insignia: Journal of International Relations Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Indonesian Perspective Jurnal Politik Profetik The POLITICS : Jurnal Magister Ilmu Politik Universitas Hasanuddin Jurnal Pertahanan : Media Informasi tentang Kajian dan Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism dan Integrity Vox Populi Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional) Indonesian Perspective Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Pena Wimaya Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Journal of Islamic World and Politics Ruang Komunitas : Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Sunan Ampel International Conference of Political and Social Sciences
Rivai, Aspin Nur Arifin
Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar
Religion Arts Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Social Sciences Other

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Donald Trump, America First, dan Deglobalisasi: Bagaimana Kelanjutannya? Putri, Helsi Eka; Rivai, Aspin Nur Arifin
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2019): April 2019
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1383.331 KB) | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2019.6.1.1318

Abstract

Abstrak Terpilihnya Donald Trump di satu sisi menjadi primadona bagi basis politik ultra kanan atau kadang disebut the looser of globalization, di sisi lain sebagai ancaman bagi pendukung globalisasi khususnya mereka (baik negara, kelompok pebisnis, dan masyarakat transnasional) yang khawatir atas menguatnya fenomena deglobalisasi. Fenomena Trump dan deglobalisasi menjadi perhatian artikel ini, dengan mengajukan pertanyaan kunci yaitu: mengapa di tengah globalisasi yang berlangsung, kebijakan luar negeri Trump justru menempuh pendekatan ekonomi politik proteksionis? Tulisan ini pada dasarnya menguji kembali relasi antar negara dan globalisasi dengan temuan bahwa keterpilihan Trump merupakan perluasan tren deglobalisasi yang sebelumnya berlangsung pasca Krisis Finansial Global 2008. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pola deduktif deskriptif. Data akan berbentuk data sekunder dan data primer.  Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa kebijakan Trump yang cenderung tertutup dalam kerjasama ekonomi-politik merupakan strategi rebalancing terhadap lawan utamanya yaitu China. Tulisan ini kemudian memprediksikan bahwa kebijakan ekonomi Trump dapat berkonstribusi pada AS sebagai negara superior yang semakin defisit. China lantas menjadi penyeimbang poros globalisasi (multilateral approach) disaat AS memilih proteksionis. Kata kunci: America First, Deglobalisasi, Globalisasi , Krisis Finansial Global (KFG)   Abstract The election of Donald Trump on the one hand is a prima donna for the ultra right political base or sometimes called the looser of globalization, on the other hand as a threat to supporters of globalization especially those who are concerned about the strengthening of the deglobalisation phenomenon (countries, business groups and transnational communities). Trump's phenomenon and deglobalisation are of concern to this article, by asking key questions, namely: why in the midst of the ongoing globalization, Trump's foreign policy has taken the approach of a protectionist political economy? This paper basically reexamines relations between countries and globalization with the finding that Trump's electability is an expansion of the previous globalization trend after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. This paper uses qualitative methods with descriptive-deductive pattern. Data will be presented as secondary and primer. The results of this research show that Trump's policy which tends leaning to isolationism from political-economic cooperation is a rebalancing strategy towards its main opponents namely China. This paper then predicts that Trump's economic policies can contribute to the US as a superior country that is increasingly deficit. China then became the axis of balancing globalization (multilateral approach) when the US chose protectionism. Keywords: America First, Deglobalisation, Globalization, Global Financial Crisis (GFC)
Donald Trump, America First, dan Deglobalisasi: Bagaimana Kelanjutannya? Helsi Eka Putri; Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2019): April 2019
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1383.331 KB) | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2019.6.1.1318

Abstract

Abstrak Terpilihnya Donald Trump di satu sisi menjadi primadona bagi basis politik ultra kanan atau kadang disebut the looser of globalization, di sisi lain sebagai ancaman bagi pendukung globalisasi khususnya mereka (baik negara, kelompok pebisnis, dan masyarakat transnasional) yang khawatir atas menguatnya fenomena deglobalisasi. Fenomena Trump dan deglobalisasi menjadi perhatian artikel ini, dengan mengajukan pertanyaan kunci yaitu: mengapa di tengah globalisasi yang berlangsung, kebijakan luar negeri Trump justru menempuh pendekatan ekonomi politik proteksionis? Tulisan ini pada dasarnya menguji kembali relasi antar negara dan globalisasi dengan temuan bahwa keterpilihan Trump merupakan perluasan tren deglobalisasi yang sebelumnya berlangsung pasca Krisis Finansial Global 2008. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pola deduktif deskriptif. Data akan berbentuk data sekunder dan data primer. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa kebijakan Trump yang cenderung tertutup dalam kerjasama ekonomi-politik merupakan strategi rebalancing terhadap lawan utamanya yaitu China. Tulisan ini kemudian memprediksikan bahwa kebijakan ekonomi Trump dapat berkonstribusi pada AS sebagai negara superior yang semakin defisit. China lantas menjadi penyeimbang poros globalisasi (multilateral approach) disaat AS memilih proteksionis. Kata kunci: America First, Deglobalisasi, Globalisasi , Krisis Finansial Global (KFG) Abstract The election of Donald Trump on the one hand is a prima donna for the ultra right political base or sometimes called the looser of globalization, on the other hand as a threat to supporters of globalization especially those who are concerned about the strengthening of the deglobalisation phenomenon (countries, business groups and transnational communities). Trump's phenomenon and deglobalisation are of concern to this article, by asking key questions, namely: why in the midst of the ongoing globalization, Trump's foreign policy has taken the approach of a protectionist political economy? This paper basically reexamines relations between countries and globalization with the finding that Trump's electability is an expansion of the previous globalization trend after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. This paper uses qualitative methods with descriptive-deductive pattern. Data will be presented as secondary and primer. The results of this research show that Trump's policy which tends leaning to isolationism from political-economic cooperation is a rebalancing strategy towards its main opponents namely China. This paper then predicts that Trump's economic policies can contribute to the US as a superior country that is increasingly deficit. China then became the axis of balancing globalization (multilateral approach) when the US chose protectionism. Keywords: America First, Deglobalisation, Globalization, Global Financial Crisis (GFC)
DEMYSTIFYING THE MYTH OF COSMOPOLITANISM: ARE WE TRULY LIVING IN A BORDERLESS WORLD? Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai; Gema Ramadhan Bastari
Review of International Relations Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional)
Publisher : UIN ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/rir.v1i1.9306

Abstract

This paper will discuss about the possibility that cosmopolitanism as an idea might only exist as a myth. It begins by questioning the hypocrisy surrounding our everyday life where powerful countries preach about living in dignity but ended up taking away that very dignity itself. If cosmopolitanism is defined as an idea that give worth to every human being, no matter their affiliation, then the current state of the world does not reflect that idea at all. This paper will attempt to demystify the practice of cosmopolitanism in modern era. This paper then found that cosmopolitanism is basically a political project for the powerful to inject their idea into weaker actor, in order to create hegemony. Whether someone’s act can be considered cosmopolitan or not depends on their capability to exercise their power. In the end, this paper concludes that cosmopolitanism as a standard of morality does not exist in our world. A borderless world might exist, but it is up to the powerful to decide who can live in it. For most people, cosmopolitanism remains a myth that could never bring salvation.  Kata kunci: Cosmopolitanism, Morality, Hegemony.
DAMPAK INTERVENSI AKTOR-AKTOR EKSTERNAL DALAM MEMPENGARUHI DURASI PERANG SIPIL DI SURIAH Muhammad Rizky Nur Kamrullah; Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Review of International Relations Vol 1 No 2 (2019): Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional)
Publisher : UIN ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/rir.v1i2.11970

Abstract

This research aims to further explore the civil war that is taking place in Syria. This paper questions fundamentally, why did the civil war in Syria become a prolonged armed conflict? Or are there other factors that strengthen the strength of their resistance? This research offers a novelty of research on the situation of this conflict, is that the prolonged civil war in Syria is not only caused by internal conditions, but also the involvement of external actors. As with the approach of David E. Cunningham (2010) that the involvement of external actors in civil war produces two possibilities, namely; become a negotiating facilitator and help one party win. This research reveals that the involvement of external actors interventions - regional, international and transnational – actually prolongs the conflict. This is because the involvement of external actors causes the addition of combatants in the conflict, so the preference in the conflict increases.  Keywords: Civil War, Assad Regime, Regional Actor, International Actor, and Transnational Actor.
Dialog Insekuritas Pangan Berdasarkan Kajian Keamanan Internasional: Gugatan Pendekatan Kritis Terhadap Pendekatan Arus-Utama Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Review of International Relations Vol 2 No 2 (2020): Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional)
Publisher : UIN ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/rir.v2i2.19008

Abstract

This article is a theoretical review based on idea comparisons in exploring various perspectives on food insecurity. Overall, the authors focus on the discussion of food insecurity, in the form of hunger which is considered to have several limitations. The narrative or discursive of food security and food sovereignty contradicts one another. Even so, the two are not as oppositional concepts, but as interrelated concepts, especially covering efforts to overcome hunger which includes access, distribution, security and equality. Meanwhile, the approach to national security based on realism and human security based on the Copenhagen School has significant differences. However, both have problems in positioning hunger as a security issue. Realism that relies on the state-centric places dealing with hunger is the concentration of government activities in ensuring national interests, so that the existing policies are on how the food availability can be fulfilled or surplus. Subsequently, the human security perspective looks at the hunger issue faced by humans so that a securitization process is needed that is carried out by securitization agency. It can be seen here that actions to overcome fundamental problems are only the responsibility of the elite governments, while the voices of the interests of individuals experiencing hunger are neglected. Thus, a critical security approach appears to mediate the above limitations. This perspective offers that the issue of hunger should be reframed as this security problem is a structural problem. Furthermore, this approach proposes the definition of food security in vulnerable populations from the structural violence of hunger.
JOKO WIDODO, ISLAM, DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI: TINJAUAN BERDASARKAN PENDEKATAN KONSTRUKTIVISME Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Review of International Relations Vol 3 No 2 (2021): Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional)
Publisher : UIN ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/rir.v3i2.26818

Abstract

Tulisan ini didasarkan oleh dua tujuan utama. Pertama adalah menjelaskan wujud aksi yang dilakukan kelompok-kelompok Islam dalam mengartikulasikan kepentingan mereka dalam sisi kebijakan luar negeri. Kedua, menginterpretasi logika gerakan tersebut dengan mencermati pembentukan identitas kolektif. Tulisan ini mengajukan pertanyaan utama, yakni mengapa posisi Islam sebagai kekuatan identitas tidak memberi pengaruh signifikan pada profil kebijakan luar negeri Jokowi. Berdasarkan pendekatan konstruktivisme, penelitian ini mengungkap bahwa posisi Islam sebagai identitas maupun gerakan politik itu telah terekslusi dalam arena kebijakan luar negeri yang disebabkan dalam kondisi internal Islam sebagai identitas dan gerakan memperlihatkan limitasi solidaritas dan fragmentasi politik. Pada akhirnya, posisi Islam di tengah diskursus populisme Islam menampilkan wujud sederhana, yakni identitas sosial-politik gerakan Islam tidak menemukan ruang aspirasi secara tepat dalam mengartikulasikan kepentingan mereka di tengah proses pengambilan keputusan luar negeri.
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung dan Sosial Demokrasi: Memahami Aktifitas Gerakan Sosial Global dalam Penyebarluasan Diskursus di Indonesia Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
The Politics : Jurnal Magister Ilmu Politik Universitas Hasanuddin Vol 2 No 2 (2016): Juli
Publisher : Magister Ilmu Politik Universitas Hasanuddin

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (504.362 KB)

Abstract

Tulisan ini merupakan telaah keberlangsungan Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) dalam diskursus Sosial Demokrasi di Indonesia.Tulisan ini berangkat dari pertanyaan mendasar yaitu, bagaimana upaya yang dilakukan aktor transnasional tersebut? Tulisan ini mengambil dua bentuk konsep yaitu: jaringan masyarakat global menurut Charles Tilly (1978). Tulisan ini berargumentasi bahwa eksistensi FES di Indonesia memiliki tantangan yang sangat kompleks dalam mengembangkan Sosial Demokrasi. Mulanya, Sosial Demokrasi dikategorikan sebagai bagian dari ideologi komunisme oleh rezim Soeharto.Tumbangnya kepemimpinan otoritarian membawa dampak cukup baik bagi FES yang semakin leluasa dalam mengembangkan wacana tersebut. Jelasnya, wacana Sosial Demokrasi membutuhkan sistem demokratis yang dinaungi oleh Reformasi. FES yang tadinya hanya bermitra dengan gerakan buruh di rezim otoritarian, berangsur  ke berbagai aktor seperti partai politik dan kelompok epistemik di era Reformasi saat ini. Keberlangsungan tersebut dimaknai sebagai pola “reproduksi wacana” yang tadinya tertutup, kemudian terbuka dan menyentuh berbagai aktifitas seperti sosial, ekonomi-politik, dan keamanan. Tantangan terbesar FES saat mereproduksi wacana Sosial di era Reformasi ialah: (1) masih adanya konstruksi di tengah masyarakat bahwa Sosial Demokrasi sebagai bagian dari komunisme, (2) lemahnya mobilisasi politik yang dilakukan oleh FES, dan (3) FES belum mampu memberi tawaran konkrit mengenai prinsip Sosial Demokrasi dalam implementasi kehidupan sosial dan politik di Indonesia.
SECURING NATIONAL AND REGIONAL ENERGY: INDONESIA'S POLICY IN THE TRANS-ASEAN GAS PIPELINE PROJECT Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai; Riska Luneto
Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity Vol 8, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : The Republic of Indonesia Defense University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33172/jp.v8i1.1549

Abstract

The regional cooperation policy for the development of the Trans-ASEAN Gas Pipeline (TAGP) megaproject is one of Indonesia's efforts to secure national energy sources. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of the policies that have been implemented by the Indonesian Government in responding to various problems of energy insecurity in the gas sector. Indonesia's policy to actively participate in the TAGP project is believed to be one of the solutions to overcoming the national and regional gas energy crisis, besides, energy security caused many various other security issues. This article uses a non-traditional security perspective to see why and how energy security become a huge issue today. The result that we found, in this case, is that the effectiveness of the policy cannot be assessed optimally, for example, the guaranteed stability of natural gas energy security at the national level and regional, both in terms of availability, distribution, and affordability that still needs continuous improvement.
Looking at ASEAN Centrality in the Amidst of TPP & RCEP Mega-Regional Competition Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai; Gema Ramadhan Bastari
Vox Populi Vol 5 No 2 (2022): VOX POPULI
Publisher : ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI (UIN) ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/vp.v5i2.33808

Abstract

This paper attempts to understand the progressivity of economic regionalism in Southeast Asia. Unlike previous researches, this paper will explain how the complexity of Southeast Asia region affecting liberalism in ASEAN. This can be seen from how the mega-regional competition between TPP and RCEP hinders ASEAN centrality, signified by the fact that Vietnam, Singapore, Malaysia, and Brunei chose to participate in both cooperation, despite knowing that RCEP should be part of ASEAN centrality agenda. This paper will pay attention on two types of condition: (1) understanding the transformation into mega-regional partnership in Asia-Pacific; (2) understanding the decision of four ASEAN countries who choose to participate in both mega-regional models. The theory which will be used in this paper will be the ‘new trade strategy’ developed by Aggarwal and Lee (2011). In the end, this paper finds that there is a renewal in perception, interest, and domestic institution in the creation of RCEP and TPP. Meanwhile, the decision of Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei to participate in both RCEP and TPP is the result of rational calculation in terms of economic advantage, political economy, domestic structure improvement, and security. These four calculations can be seen in all country, especially those who utilize greater economic liberalization.
AMBISI EKSPANSI BISNIS DAN POLITIK STRATEGIS CINA DI ASIA TENGGARA MELALUI BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: TINJAUAN DIPLOMASI INFRASTRUKTUR Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Review of International Relations Vol 4 No 2 (2022): Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional)
Publisher : UIN ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/rir.v4i2.35041

Abstract

China's success is due to the Go Out policy. Xi Jinping became the party that gave China a new form in regional and world competition through the Belt Road Initiative cooperation campaign. This cooperation has convergence with the interests of Southeast Asian countries, on the one hand they want deepening economic cooperation facilities, on the other hand infrastructure development assistance. This research uses an infrastructure diplomacy approach which assesses that the promotion of cooperation offered by China to Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines cannot be seen as an ordinary form of cooperation, but as an effort by Beijing's administration to build a hegemonic image in the Southeast Asian region based on geo- economy, while on the commercial side BRI's presence is a continuation of the Go Out policy, namely the internationalization of SOEs in infrastructure development cooperation relations.
Co-Authors Abu Bakar Amra, Muhammad Fikri ARDI PUTRA Azhari Setiawan Bastari, Gema Ramadhan Gema Ramadhan Bastari Gema Ramadhan Bastari Helsi Eka Putri Irfan, Ahmad Asrul Azwar Luneto, Riska Muhammad Rizky Nur Kamrullah Nur Rahmi Oktaviani R Pababbari, Musafir Putri, Helsi Eka Riyadi, Sayed Fauzan Saleh, Eliza Farahdiba Syam, Febrianto Tajuddin, Muhammad Taufiq, Muh Umar, Kusnadi