JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik)
JISPO adalah Jurnal ilmiah yang dikelola dan diterbitkan oleh FISIP UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung yang telah terindeks di Moraref, Google Schoolar, Neliti dan Mendeley. Bagi anda yang berminat mengirimkan artikel ilmiah dapat melakukan registrasi sebagai Author dan mengikuti langkah -langkah selanjutnya.
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358 Documents
<![CDATA[Problem Realisasi Kebijakan Smart City di Indonesia: Kasus Kota Bandar Lampung ]]>
<![CDATA[Dwi Wahyu Handayani]]>;
<![CDATA[Syafarudin Syafarudin]]>;
<![CDATA[Lilih Muflihah]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.10765
<![CDATA[This article examines government capacity in realizing smart city with a special reference to Bandar Lampung City, Indonesia, especially in the aspects of smart governance and smart people (social and human capital). The method used was qualitative with interviews and survey as data collection techniques. Using the concept of smart city and governance, this article shows that in realizing smart governance, Bandar Lampung government tended to focus on infrastructure development, which did fully involve the development of the quality of human resources and social capital, and was not based on community problems and the state mission of education and health development. The infrastructure development did not fully provide people with a good quality of administration, education and health services, and neglected social and environmental issues. These problems with smart governance caused the low public trust to government, which was an important social capital of the working of smart people.]]>
<![CDATA[Proletariat Digital dalam Citizen Journalism: Kasus Kompasiana ]]>
<![CDATA[Irma Elmira Husbuyanti]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.12201
<![CDATA[The trend of citizen journalism in Indonesia has increased since the emergence of amateur videos of the Aceh tsunami in 2004. This is considered as a momentum of new democracy in media because it allows public to independently produce and disseminate information without being intervened by agendasetting of mainstream media. The power of publication was seen to shift from mainstream media to personal ones. However, this trend of citizen journalism changed as it begun to be co-opted by mainstream media in the form of a user-generated content platform in 2008. This paper examines changes in citizen journalism which is managed by mainstream media by focusing on Kompasiana of Kompas Gramedia Group as its unit of analysis. Using Van Djik’s Critical Discourse Analysis and Marxist political economy of media as theoretical approach, it shows that the involvement of mainstream media in citizen journalism is not only seen as a collaboration, but also construction of digital labor. This can be explained by looking at three aspects of Kompasiana commodification practices: regulations, wages, and working hours.]]>
<![CDATA[Bekerja sebagai Pilihan Rasional: Pekerja Anak di Pertambangan Pasir Gunung Merapi, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Tessa Wulandari]]>;
<![CDATA[Azinuddin Ikram Hakim]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.8388
<![CDATA[Pekerja anak di Indonesia merupakan masalah yang belum terselesaikan hingga saat ini. Artikel ini menganalisis permasalahan pekerja anak di Indonesia ini dengan fokus kajian pada pekerja anak di pertambangan pasir Gunung Merapi di Kecamatan Srumbung, Magelang, Jawa Tengah. Data yang diperlukan dikumpulkan melalui wawancara dengan pekerja anak, orang tua mereka dan anggota masyarakar, dan observasi lapangan. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan fenomenologi dan analisis teori pilihan rasional Coleman, hasil kajian menunjukkan adanya dua faktor utama mengapa anak-anak berkerja sebagai penambang pasir, yaitu faktor ekonomi dan lingkungan pergaulan. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa anak-anak melakukan tindakan pilihan rasional berupa tuntutan ekonomi dan pengaruh teman sepergaulan ketika mereka memutuskan untuk bekerja sebagai penambang pasir dan bagaimana mereka bernegosiasi dengan pilihan terkait keberlangsungan ekonomi dan ikatan kelompok sepermainan mereka. Semua pihak yang terlibat memiliki alasan rasional yang melatarbelakangi pendapat mereka tentang pekerja anak di pertambangan pasir.This article deals with the issue of child labor in Indonesia by focusing on child labor in sand mining located in Gunung Merapi in Kecamatan Srumbung, Magelang, Indonesia. It attempts to reveal what drives children to work as child laborers in sand mining. The required data were collected through interviews with child laborers, their parents, and community members, and observation. The findings show that two factors drove the children to work as child laborers in sand mining: economic and social environment. Using Coleman's rational choice theory as a theoretical framework, this article argues that child laborers did rational choices in their decision to work in sand mining. The same is true for the parents who allowed their children to be child laborers in the business.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia dalam Sengketa Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act: Analisis Two-Level Game Theory ]]>
<![CDATA[Achmad Ismail]]>;
<![CDATA[Makmur Keliat]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.10844
<![CDATA[This article explains why the Indonesian government did not retaliate the USA according to the DSB WTO authorization, but rather opted to retaliate in the form of signing a mutually agreed solution/MoU in the case of the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act (FSPTCA). FSPTCA was regarded as a discriminatory act issued by the USA against Indonesia’s clove cigarettes. Indonesia responded by disputing it into the Dispute Settlement Body World Trade Organization (DSB WTO). The USA was found guilty because it violated the WTO principle of non-discrimination and so that it was ordered to comply with the Panel and Appellate Body’s recommendation. Indonesia then requested DSB WTO authorization to carry out retaliation. However, Indonesia did not retaliate according to DSB WTO authorization, but rather opted to sign a mutually agreed solution/MoU (Moratorium of Understanding) to end the FSPTCA trade dispute. Using two-level game theory as its analytical framework, this article argued that Indonesia decision to sign a mutually agreed solution instead of retaliation against the USA was driven by the fact that agreement was considered much more significant and suitable to Indonesia interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi Hibrid: Pemikiran Yasraf Amir Piliang tentang Demokrasi Indonesia di Era Digital ]]>
<![CDATA[Dimas Indianto S.]]>;
<![CDATA[Wiji Nurasih]]>;
<![CDATA[Doli Witro]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.12253
<![CDATA[Although it has been implemented for more than two decades since Reformasi 1998, democracy in Indonesia has not been fully established in terms of its principles, ethics, philosphy and orientation. There has been a variety of interpretation and narration of democracy in Indonesia in line of its various actors and supporters. The coming of digital era is making the Indonesian democracy more challenging. Therefore, there is a need for a new concept of democracy that can accommodate all forces of modernity and the specific nature of Indonesia. This article explains a form of democracy offered by Yasraf Amir Piliang as a model of Indonesian demoracy in digital era. Indonesia should apply a form of democracy that maintains national identity while keeps up with modernity in its attempt to realise people sovereignty. This article concludes that hybrid democracy in the forms of liberative, agonistic, autonomous and counter democracies is an appropriate model to implement in Indonesia in the digital era.]]>
<![CDATA[Aksi 212 dan Kemenangan Anies-Sandi pada Pemilihan Gubernur Jakarta 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Elis Nugraha Septiana]]>;
<![CDATA[Ridho Al-Hamdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Adibah Dhivani Gusmi]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.8923
<![CDATA[Pemilihan Gubernur (Pilgub) Jakarta 2017 menjadi arena perebutan kekuasaan yang diperbincangkan banyak pihak karena berawal dari kasus “penistaan agama” oleh salah satu calon gubernur, yakni Basuki Tjahaja Purnama atau Ahok di Kepulauan Seribu pada akhir 2016, yang memunculkan reaksi kelompok-kelompok masyarakat Muslim tertentu yang dipelopori oleh Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Artikel ini mengkaji bagaimana strategi gerakan Aksi 212 dalam memenangkan Anies-Sandi pada Pilgub Jakarta 2017. Kajian dilakukan dengan menggunakan data kepustakaan (library research) dan wawancara. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa Aksi 212 memiliki peran besar dalam memenangkan pasangan Anies-Sandi pada Pilgub DKI Jakarta 2017. Hal itu terlihat pada dua hal, yaitu modal sosial yang dimiliki oleh jaringan aktivis Aksi 212 dan pemanfaatan kepercayaan masyarakat dengan menggunakan fatwa MUI dan pengaruh para tokoh Muslim seperti Rizieq Shihab, Bachtiar Nasir, Arifin Ilham dan para aktivis Muslim lainnya yang berhasil memobilisasi massa Aksi 212 jelang Pilgub Jakarta 2017. Aksi terakhir ini sukses mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih Jakarta yang memicu banyaknya deklarasi dukungan pada Anies-Sandi sehingga akhirnya keduanya memenangkan Pilgub tersebut.The 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election was marked by the allegedly religious blasphemy conducted by one of its governor candidates, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, well-known as Ahok, which incited a strong reaction from certain Muslim groups led by the Islamic Defender Front (FPI). This article aims to find out this reaction that manifested in what so-called the Aksi 212 movement and its contribution to the success of Anies-Sandi in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election. It employs a qualitative method using media news and interview as the data-gathering techniques. The findings reveal that Aksi 212 played an influential role in making Anies-Sandi the governor and deputy governor-elect in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election. This was strongly related to two determining factors: first, the social capital of the Aksi 212 in the forms of networks and public trust due to its use of the MUI (Indonesia Ulama Council)’s fatwa; and second, the influence of Muslim public figures such as Rizieq Shihab, Bachtiar Nasir, Arifin Ilham who succeeded in mobilizing masses to join the Aksi 212 at Monas (National Monument), Jakarta, in 2017. All this significantly contributed to the making of Anies-Sandi the governor and deputy governor-elect in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election.]]>
<![CDATA[Kedekatan Cina-Jepang di Tengah Perang Dagang Cina-Amerika Serikat pada 2018-2019: Analisis Teori Complex Interdependence ]]>
<![CDATA[Resi Qurrata Aini]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 1 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i1.11567
<![CDATA[This article explains why countries change their foreign policy from previously antagonistic to cooperative one focusing on the change in bilateral relationship between China and Japan amidst escalating trade wars between USA and China in 2018-2019. In doing so, it uses a qualitative method with a single case study approach. Relevant data were collected through literature study method from various official statements and documents of related countries. Using the theory of complex interdependence as its analytical framework, this article shows that amidst escalating trade wars between USA and China, China and Japan developed a closer bilateral relationship, especially in economic cooperation. Both countries benefitted a lot from these close bilateral ties. This was made possible because China-Japan realized that they experienced complex interdepency so that instead of conflict and antagonism, cooperation was the best policy for both countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Membangun Keberdayaan Nelayan: Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Nelayan Melalui “Kelompok Usaha Bersama Berkah Samudra” di Jepara, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Maygsi Aldian Suwandi]]>;
<![CDATA[Silverius Djuni Prihatin]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.9451
<![CDATA[Indonesia adalah negara dengan wilayah perairan dan bentang pantai yang sangat luas di dunia. Namun, kekayaan alam ini pada kenyataanya belum membuat para nelayan sejahtera. Banyak dari nelayan yang masih hidup dalam kategori miskin. Untuk itu, pemberdayaan nelayan diperlukan untuk mengatasi masalah ini. Artikel ini mengkaji upaya pemberdayaan nelayan dengan fokus pada masyarakat nelayan di Jepara yang mengembangkan Kelompok Usaha Bersama (KUB) Berkah Samudera untuk meningkatkan keberdayaan mereka secara ekonomi dan lingkungan. Dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif, artikel ini mengumpulkan data melalui wawancara dan observasi. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan perspektif teori pemberdayaan. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa dalam upaya meningkatkan keberdayaan diri mereka, masyarakat nelayan Jepara melalui KUB Berkah Samudera melakukan tiga tahapan pemberdayaan: penyadaran anggota akan potensi yang dimiliki dan pentingnya terus bergerak sebagai sebuah kelompok; peningkatan kapasitas dengan memberikan pelatihan-pelatihan yang menunjang kegiatan nelayan dan keluarganya secara individu maupun sebagai anggota kelompok; dan pendayaan anggota dengan mengupayakan keberdayaan mereka baik dari aspek ekonomi dan sosial.Indonesia is known as a country with vast sea zones and seashores in the world. However, this remarkable natural resource has not brought prosperity to the country’s fishermen and other coastal communities. Most of them live in poverty. Therefore, empowering fishermen and coastal communities is highly needed to overcome the poverty facing them. This article studies the empowerment of fishermen in Indonesia by focusing on the fishermen community in Jepara, which developed efforts to get themselves empowered, known as Kelompok Usaha Bersama Berkah Samudera, in dealing with economic and environmental problems facing them. Employing a descriptive-qualitative method, this study collected the required data through interviews and observation. Data analysis was conducted with the empowerment concept as a theoretical framework. The findings show that in their efforts to empower themselves, the fishermen community in Jepara developed three stages of empowerment: making the fishermen aware of their potential and the importance of the unity among themselves, building capacity through training and activities which were useful and relevant to their needs, and empowering the fishermen in their social and economic lives.]]>
<![CDATA[Generasi Milenial dan Moderasi Beragama: Promosi Moderasi Beragama oleh Peace Generation di Media Sosial ]]>
<![CDATA[Qintannajmia Elvinaro]]>;
<![CDATA[Dede Syarif]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.14411
<![CDATA[After its launching in 2019, the religious moderation program has taken on conventional methods of religious gathering, seminar, and discussion, whereas the millennial generation, one of main targets of this campaign, are active social media users and unacquainted with these methods. Employing virtual ethnography with a digital observation to social media platform and online interview, this paper aims to investigate the religious moderation program in digital sphere as a strategy to counter radicalism that circulate in the virtual sphere. By focusing its analysis on the digital messages on religious moderation circulated digitally by the Peace Generation movement, this paper argues that religious moderation campaign targeting millennial group should be implemented in media which millennial generation are accustomed to such as social media. The application of social media in religious moderation campaign is not only strategic in distributing the messages but also an attractive method in providing accessible alternative content for the millennial generation.]]>
<![CDATA[Internet sebagai Ruang Baru Kontestasi Diskursus Agama dan Politik: Kajian atas Diskursus Islam, Demokrasi dan Pancasila pada Website Keislaman Populer di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Mujibuddin]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Fakhru Riza]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.14148
<![CDATA[The internet as a new medium has now become a contested space for political discourse. Focusing its analysis on eight popular Islamic websites in Indonesia, this paper examines how popular Islamic websites promote the concept of Islam and politic as seen in the issues of Pancasila, democracy, and Islamic state. The required data were collected through the method of web scraping. By using Lutfi Assyaukani's theory of three models of democracy in Indonesia, the results of this study indicate that the selected eight websites were classified into three variants of the political ideology model: First, websites that support religious democracy that are represented by the websites Nu.or.id, Islami.co, Ibtimes.id, and Bincangsyariah.com; second, websites that support Islamic democracy that are represented by Hidayatullah.com and Eramuslim.co.; and third, websites that support the Islamic caliphate that are represented by Voa-Islam.com and Nahimunkar.org, which rejected the form of a democratic state, both Islamic democracy and religious democracy, but accepted the Pancasila version of the Jakarta Charter.]]>
