JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik)
JISPO adalah Jurnal ilmiah yang dikelola dan diterbitkan oleh FISIP UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung yang telah terindeks di Moraref, Google Schoolar, Neliti dan Mendeley. Bagi anda yang berminat mengirimkan artikel ilmiah dapat melakukan registrasi sebagai Author dan mengikuti langkah -langkah selanjutnya.
Articles
358 Documents
<![CDATA[Hubungan Luar Negeri Aktor Subnasional: Kasus Kabupaten Garut di Indonesia dan Damyang-gun di Korea Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Haritsa Shafiyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Gilang Nur Alam]]>;
<![CDATA[R. M. T. Nurhasan Affandi]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.12805
<![CDATA[This article explains how foreign relations are carried out by subnational actors in Indonesia. In carrying out foreign relations or other international activities, subnational actors must follow the rules and regulations set by the central government. For example, Kabupaten Garut, one of Indonesia’s sub-national actors, carries out foreign relations with Damyang-gun, South Korea, based on the existing national laws and regulations on foreign relations. This foreign relationship occurs because both Garut and Damyang-gun need each other to fulfil their own interests. This article discusses this foreign relations by using Christopher Whytock’s theory of transgovernmentalism and Alexander Kuznetsov’s paradiplomacy view. Employing a descriptive-analytic method, this article collected its required data through interviews and literature study. The findings show that as seen in the case of Garut and Damyang-gun foreign relations by sub-national actors that are carried out based rules and regulations resulted in positive outcomes for both the regional and central governments.]]>
<![CDATA[Adaptasi Media Sosial oleh Organisasi Keagamaan di Indonesia: Studi Kanal YouTube Nahdlatul Ulama, NU Channel ]]>
<![CDATA[Paelani Setia]]>;
<![CDATA[Asep Muhamad Iqbal]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.14572
<![CDATA[This article discusses how religious organizations use social media by focusing its analysis on Nahdlatul Ulama and its YouTube channel, NU Channel. Using a qualitative method, this study collected its required data through online observation of NU Channel. This article argues that the assumption that Nahdlatul Ulama is a religious organization that tends to be traditionalist and conservative towards technological developments is incorrect. Nahdlatul Ulama is willing to adopt the internet as a new medium for conveying its religious views. The findings show that Nahdlatul Ulama is adaptive to social media as seen its adoption of YouTube as a new medium of religious studies conducted online on NU Channel. All this show a digital transformation within Nahdlatul Ulama’ religious studies, which is traditionally identical with pesantren, direct learning method with kiai, and other conventional ways of education and learning.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Masyarakat Sipil dalam Pemilihan Umum: Peran Muhammadiyah pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Bhakti Gusti Walinegoro]]>;
<![CDATA[Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.12811
<![CDATA[The 2019 Presidential Election was a big challenge for Muhammadiyah. Apart from having to play its role as a civil society, Muhammadiyah faced an internal elite fragmentation and social conflicts that resulted from the 2019 Presidential Election. The purpose of this article is to analyze the roles played, elite fragmentation, and conflict resolution pursued by Muhammadiyah in the 2019 Presidential Election. The method used in this research was a qualitative case study. The results of this study indicate that in the 2019 Presidential Election, Muhammadiyah played its roles as a civil society including providing public services, being substitute for the government and keeping social-political balance. Moreover, Muhammadiyah attempted to manage the elite fragmentation within Muhammadiyah during the 2019 Presidential Election by separating its members’ personal political choices from its formal organisational political stance of neutrality. This article concludes that in the 2019 Presidential Election, Muhammadiyah emphasized its position as a power of civil society in Indonesia and strengthened its commitment not to engage in practical politics.]]>
<![CDATA[Otokratisasi dan Populisme Otoriter dalam Rezim Demokrasi: Perbandingan antara India, Hongaria, dan Turki ]]>
<![CDATA[Defbry Margiansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.13868
<![CDATA[Democracy decline undermines optimism for the expansion of world’s democracy as it occurred in established democracies. The decline from democratic to autocratic regime or “autocratization” is being experienced by India (the world’s largest democracy), Hungary (the established democracy in the European Union), and Turkey (the influential democracy in the Muslim world). Although they have different views of the main causes of the democracy decline, experts agree that authoritarian tendency driven by autocratic leaders erodes democratic values. The autocratization in the above three democracies is strongly related to “authoritarian populism” adopted by the incumbents and reflected on their antagonistic attitudes towards democracy. This article compares the role of anti-democratic populism in India, Hungary, and Turkey in the process of autocratizing democracies in the last decade. Autocratization in which authoritarian populism plays a significant role occurs through the “autocratization stages” as follows: the politicization of people’s disappointment, social polarization based on cultural narratives, weakening of democratic institutions, control of alternative information, and repression of opposition and critics. The article concludes that as seen in the cases of India, Hungary and Turkey, autocratization is highly dependent on the incumbents' skill in exploiting populist rhetoric to legitimize the regime's authoritarian actions.]]>
<![CDATA[Otoritas Fatwa di Indonesia: Variasi Respons Pengguna Twitter terhadap Fatwa MUI tentang Haram Golput pada Pemilu ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatihunnada Fatihunnada]]>;
<![CDATA[Iffatul Umniati]]>;
<![CDATA[Raspiani Raspiani]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2021): JISPO Vol 11 No 2 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v11i2.13879
<![CDATA[The fatwas of Majlis Ulama Indonesia often incite controversy among Indonesian Muslims. This includes a fatwa on the prohibition of golongan putih (golput; non-voting behavior) that was issued in 2009. This fatwa sparkes heated debates among netizens, inluding Twitter users during the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections. This data required for this research were collected from the Twitter in the form of tweets in several months in 2014 using the python module, namely the twitter scraper which was then stored in the form of Comma Separated Values (CSV). Out of 2,491 tweets, 1,142 tweets or 45.84% contain neutral responses, 1,071 tweert or 42.95% contain negative responses, and 278 tweets or 11.16 % contain positive responses. This figure shows that the rejection of the fatwa on the prohibition of golput was greater than its acceptance by netizens. More importantly, this indicate that the authority of MUI in issuing fatwas is not fully accepted and obeyed by Indonesian Muslims.]]>
<![CDATA[External Efforts to Increase Cocoa Exports to the European Market: A Comparison between Ghana and Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Refin Satrio]]>;
<![CDATA[Andi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 12, No 1 (2022): JISPO Vol 12 No 1 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v12i1.14324
<![CDATA[Cocoa is one of the essential commodities that contribute significantly to the Indonesian economy. As the third largest cocoa-producing country in the world, Indonesia is facing competition from Ghana, a global cocoa-producing country which is relatively similar to Indonesia in terms of politics, economy, and the cocoa industry. Ghana has a competitive advantage that makes its cocoa products appear superior to Indonesia in terms of quality, productivity figures, and cocoa export value. Especially, this is seen in terms of cocoa export to the European Union market. This article aims to study the external efforts made by Ghana and Indonesia to increase their cocoa exports to the European Union market, the largest chocolate consumer region in the world. To do this, it used a qualitative research method with descriptive-analytical and comparative analysis employing the theory of competitive advantage and the concept of economic diplomacy. The article found that Indonesia has excellent cocoa potential that can be developed further and can learn from what Ghana has attempted to increase its cocoa exports to the European Union market.]]>
<![CDATA[The Relationship between Civil Society Organization and Political Party in Legislative Election: The Case of of Fatayat and PKB in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Anas Mahfudhi]]>;
<![CDATA[Aditya Perdana]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 12, No 1 (2022): JISPO Vol 12 No 1 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v12i1.17554
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the political strategies of Fatayat as a civil society organization to win women candidates in the 2019 legislative elections. To do so, it uses two concepts of Gwendolyn Bevis’s theory of civil society and political parties which emphasizes constructive relationships between civil society organizations and political parties, and Peter Schroder’s theory on political strategies and tactics to win female candidates of legislative elections. This article uses a qualitative method and collects the data through interview techniques. The result of this study indicates that the relationship between Fatayat and PKB (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa) runs constructively for both have a shared history. This constructive relationship can also be applied to explain the political dynamic within Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). This article concludes that the Fatayat’s strategy to win women candidates in the legislative elections was supported by a constructive relationship between Fatayat and PKB. This finding contributes to the study of the relationship between civil society organizations and political parties. ]]>
<![CDATA[Strengthening Cooperation among Intelligence Agencies in the Enforcement of Law on Terrorism: The Case of Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizki Wahyudi]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Syauqillah]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 12, No 1 (2022): JISPO Vol 12 No 1 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v12i1.14370
<![CDATA[The development of global, regional and national situations related to terrorism is dynamic and complex affecting national stability and security. It requires optimal and effective action from the government. The complexity of counter-terrorism requires the synergy of all parties. Strengthening cooperation between intelligence agencies can solve the current threat of terrorism. This article aims to propose intelligence cooperation and present the concept of intelligence synergy within the framework of law enforcement in combating terrorism in Indonesia. The article is descriptive qualitative research. It employs in-depth interviews and literature study as a data-gathering technique. Using collaborative governance theory, the article argues that to realize synergy between intelligence agencies, all Indonesian intelligence agencies need to conduct joint action procedures and hold joint terrorism countermeasures exercises, and related activities aimed at creating a common perception and eliminating rivalry among the agencies.]]>
<![CDATA[Prestige over Profit: The Practice of Digital Entrepreneurship among Millennial Generation in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Dzillin Jihan]]>;
<![CDATA[Kustana Kustana]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 12, No 1 (2022): JISPO Vol 12 No 1 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v12i1.17944
<![CDATA[Digital entrepreneurship has recently become a trend in cyberspace and it is often associated with the millennials who were previously said to be the least entrepreneurial generation. The millennials are digital natives who tend to follow a trend because of globalization which opens up unlimited public spaces. This article aims to examine the motives of the Indonesian millennial generation in doing digital entrepreneurship through qualitative research methods and Jean Baudrillard's post-modern theory approach. The required data were collected through interview and observation methods. This article argues that the main motive of Indonesian millennials in digital entrepreneurship is not profit-seeking, but rather prestige-seeking by following trends on social media so that digital entrepreneurship develops among millennials. The results of the study show that the tendency of being social media trend followers has encouraged Indonesian millennials to run digital entrepreneurship. The millennials tried to follow the trend of digital entrepreneurship to express their identities in the public sphere to create a good image of themselves. By doing so, they expected to be considered prestigious members of digital society with higher social status.]]>
<![CDATA[The Flood Politicization and Social Media: Ecological Disaster, Satire, and the Contestation of the 2024 Indonesia Presidential Election on Twitter ]]>
<![CDATA[Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Ridlo Aulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Rahmah Ramadhani]]>;
<![CDATA[Karmeta Syahwan Nurfadillah]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 12, No 1 (2022): JISPO Vol 12 No 1 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v12i1.14577
<![CDATA[As floods are common in Indonesia, social media are full of conversations about this annual disaster. When floods hit Jakarta, Central Java, South Kalimantan and other areas in early 2021, the most-talked issue in the conversations on social media, especially Twitter, was not about how environmental degradation causes the floods but rather about how the heads of the flooded areas are to compete in the upcoming presidential election. Using critical discourse analysis, this study seeks to explore discourses on the flood politicization related to the 2024 presidential election on Twitter. The results show that there are dominant and marginal discourses in the discussion of the flood issue. The dominant discourse is related to the image and ability of the regional heads to overcome the flood which is linked to his capacity as a presidential candidate in the 2024 election. Meanwhile, the marginal discourse is related to policies taken by regional heads in taking preventive actions and post-flood handling. This article shows findings as follows: first, floods as an ecological disaster which causes environmental management are not an important concern of the community as they are regarded as a common issue that happens every year; second, the flood issue was used to criticise the former governor in a satiric way; third, the flood issue was used as a momentum to test the popularity and electability of candidates for the presidential election as a result of the political division after the 2017 Jakarta Election and the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election. This article argues that the political debate for the 2024 presidential election in Indonesia was more interesting than the awareness of environmental damage. ]]>
