Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review is political science's premier scholarly research journal on Indonesian politics, providing peer-reviewed articles and review essays from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered: local politics, ethics and politics, public policy, and others. Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review has published continuously since 2016 with registered number ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online). Published by Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang in cooperation with The Indonesian Inter-University Association for Political Science (APSIPOL).
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281 Documents
<![CDATA[Evaluasi Kebijakan Pelimpahan sebagian Kewenangan Bupati kepada Camat di Kecamatan Sagala Herang Kabupaten Subang Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Suparman, Nanang]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 2 (2017): Tema Umum: Politik Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i2.9771
<![CDATA[The effort to encourage more subdistrict optimal roles in comunity service by giving authority in the field of licensing as one part delegating authority (Law No.23 of 2014). Subang regency has been implementing this delegating authority since 2012. Licensing services in subdistrict in addition to saving time and costs, can contribute to the PAD, therefore in this study tries to analysis the result of evaluation of the implementation of policy delegating authority in 2015 with a frame of thought on two aspects i.e.what effort have been made and obstacles encountered.This research uses descriptive qualitative approach method, technique of collecting data through observation, documentation analysis and in-dept interview.The results showed that the evaluation to measure the optimalization of delegation of Bupati authority in licensings aspect to Camat can not achieve the goals of policy formulation, it is influenced by factors not yet the existence of the innovation and creativity of public service, have’t yet been able to create legal certainty, and have’t been able to efficiently utilize the authority assigned because sub-district Sagala Herang have’t been able to set up the necessary administrative devises includes a special apparatus resources to handle the licensing authority.]]>
<![CDATA[Judicialization of politics in Indonesia’s electoral system Case study: judicial review on threshold, balloting structure, and simultaneous election at constitutional court ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratama, Heroik Mutaqin]]>;
<![CDATA[Perdana, Aditya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 6, No 1 (2021): Local Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.32599
<![CDATA[Why does the judicial review process highly influence the electoral system design in Indonesia at the Constitutional Court? Whose interests and what kind of interests are served by the judicial review process at the Constitutional Court towards the electoral system in Indonesia? By analyzing constitutional court verdicts from its inception on August 13, 2003, until the beginning of 2020, this study tries to answer those two questions by using judicialization of political theory. This study found that the extension of the authority of the judicial institution to produce political decisions through the judicial review mechanism can be regarded as the opening of political opportunity structure as a new platform for political actors to achieve their interest in election regulations. For example, to meet one of the electoral systems, a political party is underwhelming variables like the parliamentary threshold requirement specified in the election law. They come to the Constitutional Court to request a judicial review on the threshold requirement and plead the Court to revoke the requirement. Meanwhile, civil society groups, which are not the direct participants of the election, will also utilize the medium provided by the Constitutional Court to challenge various provisions in the election law to create a more democratic electoral system. This study concludes that the Constitutional Court is seen as the guarding of constitutional law enforcement institutions and a power relations arena where different political actors strive to realize their political interests or agenda on election laws.]]>
<![CDATA[Misconception about Value-added Tax (VAT) Exemption Policy on Animal Feed in the Flour Industry: An Issue on Self-sufficiency of Meat after Reformation ]]>
<![CDATA[Raymundus, Torganda]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosdiana, Haula]]>;
<![CDATA[Murwendah, Murwendah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 4, No 1 (2019): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v4i1.17161
<![CDATA[Flour industry and animal feed industry play an important role in supporting government programs to achieve self-sufficiency of meat. The important role of these animal feed producers has triggered the government to stipulate appropriate tax policies to ensure the growth and development of both industries. Through tax policy instruments, the government has provided facilities in the form of Value Added Tax (VAT) exemption for the delivery of animal feed and animal feed ingredients. However, in its implementation, this policy has not been all-inclusive, leading to a cascading effect suffered by the flour industry. It results in an opportunity cost and cost of taxation affecting the productivity of the flour industry as the producer of animal feed. This study applies a qualitative-descriptive method with data collection techniques of in-depth interview and documentation study. This study explains the implications of VAT exemption policy for the flour industry, evaluates VAT exemption policy on animal feed in the perspective of public policy and productivity of animal feed producers, and analyzes political relations and ideas for VAT policy on animal feed in an effort to support national flour industry and animal feed industry]]>
<![CDATA[Politik dan Strategi Budaya Etnik dalam Pilkada Serentak di Kalimantan Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[Kristianus, Kristianus]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 1 (2016): Demokrasi, Pemilu, dan Isu Budaya di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i1.9182
<![CDATA[The local politics in West Kalimantan thick politically charged ethnic identity. Local political politically involved two ethnic identity which is a native of West Kalimantan, namely ethnic Dayak and Malay. The state of the two ethnic rivalry is becoming more open in the era of district autonomy that is triggered by direct local elections. This competition occurs because history records that the ruling ethnic elite running ethnic hegemony over other ethnic groups. Regional head election (PILKADA) is currently running. Of the seven districts in West Kalimantan which organizes PILKADA very apparent that they are oriented to capture the voice ethnicity. Ethnic identity became a political commodity since this issue most easily sold to seize the people's voice. This paper use the incorporation of the views that are instrumentalism and internal colonialism perspective . The author has the view, that perspective instrumentalism able to see how an elite play social identity and cultural group to gain power and view of internal colonialism that saw socio-economic disparities and discrimination as the root of the strengthening of solidarity groups. This view is helpful to explain the fanaticism ethnic factor as a cultural strategy that occurred in the present and why identity politics in West Kalimantan is an inherent part of the local politics of this period.]]>
<![CDATA[One Stop Service (OSS) Implementation Analysis In the Human Resource Development and Staffing Agency (BKPSDM) of Jambi City ]]>
<![CDATA[Putra, Firmansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Hapsa, Hapsa]]>;
<![CDATA[Saadah, Maratun]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 6, No 2 (2021): Politics and Public Services ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i2.30472
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the implementation of One-Stop Service (OSS) or integrated services in the Personnel and Human Resources Development Agency (BKPSDM) Jambi City. OSS is an alternative public service that is considered capable of answering several public services problems for both external and internal government organizations. This research uses a qualitative method, collecting primary and secondary data. The data analysis was carried out by qualitative descriptive, meaning that the collected data was filtered and then analyzed descriptively by the team until a conclusion was obtained regarding the issues found. This study indicates that, since it was implemented for the internal Jambi City Government employees in 2018, OSS at BKPSDM has provided satisfaction to employees. This sense of satisfaction indirectly impacted employees' service performance in all lines of public services in Jambi City. This indirect impact can be seen through the effectiveness of the services and the achievement of the service objectives. This study democratically provides essential public service delivery in Jambi City. This study emphasized in putting the customer first, providing service democratically instead of adopting many e-government innovations. ]]>
<![CDATA[Notes from the Editors ]]>
<![CDATA[Team, Editorial]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 2 (2018): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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<![CDATA[Akuntabilitas Pengelolaan Dana Desa di Desa Budugsidorejo Kabupaten Jombang Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Setiawan, Andi]]>;
<![CDATA[Haboddin, Muhtar]]>;
<![CDATA[Wilujeng, Nila Febri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 1 (2017): UU Desa: Mewujudkan Kemandirian Aras Lokal atau Jebakan Ketergantungan Dana Pusa ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i1.8483
<![CDATA[This study describes the accountability of the management of village fund allocation (ADD) in the village Budugsidorejo Sumobito District of Jombang in 2015. The aim of this study is to describe and explain the presence or absence of accountability in the management of ADD in 2015. The theory that formed the basis of looking at accountability ADD is Rahardjo Adisasmito concept of accountability by which to see accountability in financial management can be seen from the indicators of financial accountability, accountability benefits and procedural accountability. This study uses qualitative descriptive method and determination of informants by using purposive sampling technique. The results of this study indicate that accountability in the management of ADD are in accordance with the applicable procedures and can be realized because of the internal and external oversight. Given such surveillance raises their awareness that the programs funded from ADD should be accounted for as well as possible.]]>
<![CDATA[Women's Representation through Political Parties in Parliament Period of General Election 2019-2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmanto, Fajar]]>;
<![CDATA[Purnomo, Eko Priyo]]>;
<![CDATA[Kasiwi, Aulia Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Salsabila, Lubna]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 6, No 3 (2021): Indonesia and Asia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22666
<![CDATA[This research aims to determine women's representation in the DPR RI as a legislative body in Indonesia during the general election in 2019 and determine the factors that influence women's representation in the legislative body. This paper's research method uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach that examines theories, references, and previous scientific literature related to the research object. The findings of the study indicate the level of representation of women in parliament after the holding of the general elections in 2019 has not reached 30%, where the level of representation of women in parliament is still in the number of 20.52% or as many as 118 female legislators and is still dominated by male legislators which reached 457 people or 79.48%. Although it has not reached 30%, the adoption of affirmative policies has led to a significant increase in women's representation in parliament, from 65 women legislators in 2004 to 118 women legislators in the 2019 general election. Political regulation factors with affirmative action and zipper system are two factors that affect women's representation by political parties. Affirmative action mandates every political party participating in the election to pay attention to women's representation of 30% by nominating female candidates for each electoral district. A zipper system requires parties to position at least one woman every three names of candidates. In general elections, political parties present legislation to the legislature. The affirmative action that regulates women's representation's involvement has become the main reason numerous events involve kinship the candidacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Collaborative Governance in the Management of Integrated Community Shelters Post Disaster (ICS) in the City of Palu ]]>
<![CDATA[Daswati, Daswati]]>;
<![CDATA[Samad, Muhammad Ahsan]]>;
<![CDATA[Wekke, Ismail Suardi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 2 (2020): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21602
<![CDATA[This article tells the involvement of humanitarian organizations in the post-war reconstruction process of disaster in the city of Palu, Sigi and Donggala Regencies. The presence of humanitarian organizations is urgently needed to help the process of acceleration of reconstruction. In carrying out its humanitarian mission, it is expected that these institutions are coordinated by the authority of the government/state. Management of Integrated Community Shelter expected able to help the process of reconstruction post disaster apparently also still constrained in the pattern of coordination. Coordination pattern which is less likely to occur in delivering open and funneling aid to victims. this paper found that the existence of the weakness of the State in controlling and embody the humanitarian agency's involvement in the process of reconstructions. Collaborative approach to governance in the management of Integrated Community Shelter appears as an alternative solution in the answer to these problems.]]>
<![CDATA[Politisasi Media di 2014: Aburizal Bakrie dan Segmen Pemilih Pemula ]]>
<![CDATA[Rivai, Ardian Bakhtiar]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 1 (2016): Demokrasi, Pemilu, dan Isu Budaya di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i1.9078
<![CDATA[This paper investigates that influence of television for political behavior in Indonesian election on 2014. There is important to identify that televisions in Indonesia is a tool of capital to construct political perception of Indonesian citizens. Public resources information as television in Indonesia has not really objective, in addition there are the domination of media owner interesting for news information which is published. This paper focuses on understanding on young citizen segmentation whose have the high contribution for Indonesian election voters. Literature review and analytical are applied to the media domination model for support argumentation of highly influences of television in Indonesia. Based on explanation in this paper, we can understand that Indonesian election 2014 is not only about competition of candidate, it is clear that media owner competition.]]>
