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<![CDATA[OPERASI EKONOMI DIGITAL DAN FINANSIALISASI KAPITALISME NEOLIBERAL AMERIKA SERIKAT ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Chairil Akbar Setiawan]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 7, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v7i1.4583
<![CDATA[The development of the Digital Economy in the last decade has become increasingly prominent and significant. The dynamics and transactions of the Digital Economy span from the corporate to household levels, from local to global scales. The use of advanced information technology in the internet field paved the way for the Digital Economy, especially in the financial or financial realm. This reality is directly correlated with the current of financialization of contemporary capitalism which has strengthened as one of the main features of Neoliberal capitalism since the 1980s.This study seeks to analyze the operation of the Digital Economy in the financial sector such as Venture Capital or Financial Technology within the framework of Political-Economy, particularly through the study of International Political Economy. The author believes that the birth and development of the Digital Economy can be understood in two aspects, namely, first, it is directly correlated with the financialization of global capitalism, especially since the current of Neoliberalism emerged in the decade of the 80s. Financial liberalization and deregulation that started in the United States became the starting point for international economic financialization. Changes to the model of transactions and financial products are a direct derivation of financial deregulation initiated by developed countries and global capitalists.Second, technological development is a reflection of the historical development of capitalism. This means that technology in the Digital Economy has a social character and aims to optimize the accumulation of contemporary capitalism. Digital Economy Technology is not independent of social and economic-political formations or entirely as a result of the inherent creativity of the natural impetus of scientific progress.]]>
<![CDATA[Hubungan Eksekutif dan Legislatif pada Era Presiden Joko Widodo Periode 2014-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Antonius Jeremias Beso]]>;
<![CDATA[Restu Rahmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 6, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v6i2.4471
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini mengkaji tentang penerapan sistem presidensial dalam demokrasi modern di dalam hubungan eksekutif dan legislatif pada era Presiden Joko Widodo 2014-2019. Peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Peneliti mengumpulkan data primer dalam bentuk wawancara mendalam, dan observasi. Adapun untuk data sekunder peneliti peroleh dari foto dan studi literatur. Dalam penelitian ini, menghasilkan studi bahwa implementasi hubungan eksekutif dan legislative di era kepemimpinan Jokowi 2014-2019 dapat dilihat dari semakin menguatnya eksekutif yang ditandai oleh dominannya partai pendukung pemerintah. Dengan kuatnya dukungan partai politik maka akan semakin mudah pemerintah dalam hal ini eksekutif menguasai parlemen. Lalu dampak hubungan eksekutif dan legislatif pada era kepemimpinan Joko Widodo periode 2014-2019 bagi sistem presidensial di era demokrasi modern, dapat kita ambil kesimpulan bahwa dampak menguatnya sistem presidensial yakni ketika eksekutif mendapat dukungan dari partai-partai mayoritas di parlemen dan kekuatan oposisi yang tidak seimbang, maka akan membentuk pola-pola oligarki, yang hanya menguntungkan sebagian elit politik di Indonesia. Lambat laun karena sudah tidak adanya budaya check and balance antara ekskutif dan legislatif, maka dampaknya adalah melemahnya Demokrasi di Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[DAMPAK IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN LOOK EAST DAN ACT EAST INDIA TERHADAP HUBUNGAN INDIA DAN ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Luluk Fadilah]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggy Wira Pambudi]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 6, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v6i1.4143
<![CDATA[This study discusses how the impact of the Look East and East Act policies implemented by the Government of India in establishing foreign relations. Specifically, this study will examine the effect caused by the Look East policy and the Act East policy implemented by the Government of India on India-ASEAN relations. This research will use the Balance of Power theory to explain the political factors in Look East and Act East policies. Another theory that will also be used is the concept of regionalism which will be used to explain efforts to expand India's influence into the ASEAN region through the Look East and East Act policies. This research has found that the Look East and East India Act policies have an impact on India and ASEAN relations such as in the fields of economy and trade]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI TIM SUKSES PADA PILKADA KABUPATEN HALMAHERA UTARA 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rifaldo Kokerehe]]>;
<![CDATA[Gloria Miagina Palako Djurubassa]]>;
<![CDATA[Frets A. Goraph]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 7, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v7i1.4581
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini membahas tentang proses pemilihan kepala daerah di Kabupaten Halmahera Utara pada Pilkada tahun 2020 kemaren. Namun lebih spesifik membahas tentang strategi tim sukses dalam memenangkan kandidiat pilihannya. Pilkada Halmahera Utara diikuti oleh dua pasangan calon yang memiliki visi, misi, program kerja dan tentunya dalam perencanaan untuk mencapai kemenangan haruslah memiliki tim pendukung dalam menjalankan strategi dari pasangan calon tersebut. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini memberi gambaran tentang proses berdemokrasi di Kabupaten Halmahera Utara khususnya pada Desa Gura Kecamatan Tobelo, dengan melihat strategi tim sukses dari 2 pasangan calon peserta Pilkada 2020. Tim sukses yang berada di Desa Gura tersebut antara lain Tim Relasi FM, Garuda Muda, dan Tim Sahabat FM dari pasangan calon no urut 1 sedangkan tim sukses dari pasangan calon nomor urut 2 yaitu Totohuro Silent dan di dalamnya terbagi beberapa tim pendukung lainnya berbasis TPS yaitu posko Barakuda, Dukono, Buale, Wayamato dan Papaco. Berbagai strategi digunakan oleh kedua tim sukses agar mampu menyakinkan para pemilih untuk memilih pasangan calon yang di dukungnya. Dalam menjalankan strategi atau program yang di telah di susun, tim sukses dan pasangan calon akan perhadapkan dengan berbagai persoalan yakni ada banyak faktor pendukung didalam menjalankan strategi dan juga ada faktor penghambat didalam menerapkan strategi yang dibuat oleh kedua tim tersebut oleh karna itu kinerja yang baik sangatlah di perlukan demi terealisasinya strategi tersebut. Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan pandangan serta pola yang baru terkait dengan strategi tim sukses dalam memenangkan pasangan calon serta penerapan strategi dalam mendukung para pasangan calon agar lebih optimal.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS HUBUNGAN ANTARA TIMOR LESTE DAN AUSTRALIA TERKAIT PEREBUTAN SUMBER DAYA MINYAK DAN GAS PADA SENGKETA CELAH TIMOR (TIMOR GAP) ]]>
<![CDATA[Shana Lia Mifroh]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 6, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v6i2.4497
<![CDATA[In this journal, the author will explain on the Timor Gap in which there is involvement between East Timor and Australia. This research will explain the relationship between the two countries during the dispute, Indonesia's relationship as a country that is also involved, as well as the concept of diplomacy used to resolve this conflict. As well as triggering conflicts between countries that can grip the international world, sovereignty is said to have always been part of an international issue, since sovereignty is really crucial for a country. Moreover, in the Timor Gap dispute there are contested resources that are oil and gas that are very profitable for the prosperity and well-being of the country. The natural wealth that settles in the Timor Sea makes countries around the East East participate in the utilization of these resources, thus giving cooperation between each country because of its involvement. Thus, the focus of the discussion in this journal will show how the relationship built between the two countries concerns the struggle for natural resources in the Timor Gap. This research also uses a qualitative approach as a research method and is supported by the data that has been collected.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS FRAMING TERKAIT PEMBERITAAN JOKOWI YANG MENYERANG PRIBADI PRABOWO PADA DEBAT CALON PRESIDEN PUTARAN KEDUA TAHUN 2019 DALAM “mediaindonesia.com” ]]>
<![CDATA[Stepanus Sitanggang]]>;
<![CDATA[Dina Fadiyah]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 6, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v6i1.4144
<![CDATA[This paper will discuss Analysis of Framing Related to the Coverage of Jokowi Who Attacked Prabowo in the Second Round of Presidential Candidates for 2019 in "mediaindonesia.com". The purposes of this paper are (1) To find out a picture of how media framing mediaindonesia.com in delivering an incident related to Jokowi who personally attacked Prabowo in the second round of Presidential candidates in 2019. (2) To find out the relationship between mediaindonesia.com and democracy in reporting of Jokowi who personally attacked Prabowo at the second round of the Presidential debate in 2019. The research used the Theory of Framing Analysis from Gamson and Modigliani. This research method used qualitative research. The results of this research explain that (1) Framing of mediaindonesia.com reporting in presenting an incident related to Jokowi who personally attacked Prabowo in the second round of Presidential candidates in 2019. (2) There was a connection between mediaindonesia.com and democracy in reporting of Jokowi on personality of Prabowo in debating the second round of the Presidential candidates in 2019. So, the conclusion of this research shows that in mediaindonesia.com reporting, it emphasizes what supports Jokowi and shows the point of view that leads to the control of the land owned by Prabowo. Mediaindonesia.com's partisanship supports the diminishing democratic values in Indonesia where the media are the fourth pillar of democracy itself.]]>
<![CDATA[SIGNIFIKANSI KEBIJAKAN “Open-Door Policy” TURKI DI BAWAH PRESIDEN TAYYIP ERDOGAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Rafi Ramadhan Wiryawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Amalia Azzahra]]>;
<![CDATA[Dilla Andieni Nurshadrina]]>;
<![CDATA[Audrey Chairunnisa Imanjaya]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 6, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v6i2.4496
<![CDATA[The civil war that occurred in Syria has since made many Syrians flee to various countries and one of them is Turkey. Since the beginning of the civil war in Syria, Turkey has implemented an open policy for Syrians. In the formulation of foreign policy, there are many variables that need to be considered, namely the environment and international situation and the personality of the leader. Given the strong leadership influence in Turkey's political life, such an approach promises many variations in the foreign policy outcome. The research method used was James Rosenau's adaptive model by looking at external and internal situations as research variables. Apart from that, the individual factor, namely President Tayyip Erdoğan's personality as a decision-maker is considered. The analysis technique used is literature and literature study with qualitative analysis. The writing of this scientific paper is aimed at answering what factors influenced the Turkish Government regarding its Open Door policy in the era of President Erdoğan.]]>
<![CDATA[INTERNATIONAL NORM AND TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATION: THE CONTRIBUTION OF L'ORÉAL TO ERADICATE CHILD LABOR MICA MINING IN INDIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Zain Maulana]]>;
<![CDATA[Ika Hidayani Harahap]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 7, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v7i1.4582
<![CDATA[This article explores how L’Oréal respond to to the issue of illegal activities and child labour in their mica supply chain from India. It emphasizes that despite economic interests are always embedded in transnational corporation’s, L’Oréal responses to the issue of illegal and child labour mica mining suggest that the action of the company is influenced by international norm such as the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. The Guiding Principles has influenced the construction of the L’Oréal identity and behaviour in their business activities. The company has used their business code of conduct in related to human rights in justifying their responses to deal with the illegal and child labour in its mica supply chain from India. It has been emphasized that mica supply from India should comply with globally recognized workplace employment, occupational health and safety, and environmental standards that include prohibitions on the use of child labour.]]>
<![CDATA[UPAYA PEMERINTAH INDONESIA DALAM MENGATASI MASALAH HUMAN TRAFFICKING PADA TAHUN 2006-2018 TERHADAP PEKERJA MIGRAN INDONESIA DI MALAYSIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ani Khoirunnisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Mayasari Basri]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 6, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v6i1.4140
<![CDATA[This research takes the theme of the efforts made by the Government of Indonesia in overcoming the problem of Human Trafficking in 2006-2018 against Indonesian Migrant Workers in Malaysia through multi track diplomacy. These efforts were carried out both on the basis of initiatives from the Government of Indonesia itself and the wishes of both parties manifested in the form of bilateral cooperation. However, in the process of its realization, several obstacles were encountered that impeded the efforts made, the obstacles encountered were both from within Indonesia and also inseparable from its collaborative partner, namely Malaysia. In this paper the writer question about how the efforts made by the Government of Indonesia in overcoming the problem of Human Trafficking in 2006-2018 against Migrant Workers who are in Malaysia. In answering the research questions the writer used the theory of Human Security, Human Trafficking, Bilateral Cooperation and also Multi Track Diplomacy. In the process of proving and also analyzing the writer used qualitative research methods and explanatory data presentation. For the hypothesis proposed by the writer is that the Government has made several efforts through Multi Track Diplomacy using track one namely G to G in this case carried out by the Government of Indonesia with the Government of Malaysia, then by using the method of Track Two, in this case carried out by BNP2TKI, then Track Five by conducting socialization and education in schools. However, the independent efforts undertaken by Indonesia and also bilateral cooperation carried out with Malaysia have not yet gotten maximum results, this is because of the obstacles faced. In general, constraints originating from within the country come from the weakness of the law enforcement process that applies in Indonesia concerning human trafficking. Then the obstacles that come from Malaysia are generally because it is difficult to reach an agreement in an effort to protect Migrant Workers who come from Indonesia, this is because of differences in the interests of the two countries in looking at the Migrant Workers issue]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI POLITIK PASANGAN NANANG-PANDU DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILUKADA LAMPUNG SELATAN TAHUN 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Goestyari Kurnia Amantha]]>;
<![CDATA[Komang Jaka Ferdian]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 7, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v7i1.4578
<![CDATA[Kontestasi pemilihan umum kepala daerah merupakan salah satu tanda keberadaan demokrasi di Indonesia. Persaingan para kandidat dalam kontestasi pemilihan kepala daerah tentunya memerlukan strategi untuk mendapatkan suara masyarakat secara luas. Berdasarkan hasil rekapitulasi angka partisipasi masyarakat di Kabupaten Lampung Selatan hanya 64,77% artinya dibawah target nasional 77,5%. Sedikitnya partisipasi masyarakat tentunya menjadi menarik untuk melihat bagaimana strategi politik pasangan Nanang-Pandu dalam memaksimalkan perolehan suara hingga memenangkan kontestasi pemilahan umum kepala daaerah Lampung Selatan Tahun 2020. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode desktiptif kualitatif dimana data yang diperoleh berupa uraian-uraian yang dapat menjelaskan dan memberikan gambaran atas fenomena yang sedang diteliti. Sumber data diperoleh dari hasil wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi yang kemudian dihimpun dan dianalisis untuk selanjutnya dilakukan triangulasi sumber sebagai proses keabsahan data. Menangnya pasangan Nanang-Pandu dapat diidentifikasi dengan menggunakan teori SWOT. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pasangan Nanang-Pandu mampu mengatasi faktor eksternal dan internal selama proses pemilihan kepala daerah. Kedua pasangan mampu memaksimalkan kekuatan (strength) dalam merebut suara pemilih di Lampung Selatan, mampu memanfaatkan peluang (opportunities), mampu mengatasi kelemahan (weaknesses) dan meminimalisir ancaman (threats) yang ada. Keberhasilan kedua pasangan dalam menjalankan strategi tentu saja tidak lepas dari adanya kerjasama tim, partai pengusung, koalisi pendukung, tim sukses dan seluruh jajaran simpatisan. Terlebih pasangan Nanang-Pandu memiliki pendukung yang loyal. ]]>
