DINAMIKA GLOBAL : JURNAL ILMU HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Jurnal Dinamika Global is a scholarly International Relations journal which is published two volumes a year in June and December by School of International Relations of Faculty of Social and Political Science of Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI), Cimahi. The journal covers broud subject areas ranging from security studies, diplomacy, global political economy, ecological issues, foreign policy, regionalism, peace studies and conflict, transnational issues, etc. Dinamika Global means that articles which are submitted must discuss global issues and have global perspectives. The Editor welcomes articles submission from academics, researchers, also practitioners from local and abroad to enhance our understanding regarding global dynamic.
Articles
170 Documents
<![CDATA[KERJASAMA INDONESIA-UNI EROPA DALAM MENGOPTIMALKAN IMPLEMENTASI REDUCING EMISSIONS FROM DEFORESTATION AND FOREST DEGRADATION (REDD+) ]]>
<![CDATA[Suwarti Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Mira Puspa Nirmala]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.133
<![CDATA[Praktik pembalakan liar merupakan salah satu permasalahan yang menjadi fokus bagi sektor kehutanan Indonesia. Upaya untuk mengatasi laju deforestasi dan degradasi hutan yang semakin meningkat, Indonesia berpartisipasi dalam program REDD+ dan menjalin kerjasama dengan Uni Eropa dalam kerangka FLEGT-VPA. Upaya-upaya tersebut merupakan bentuk komitmen pelestarian hutan dan kerjasama perdagangan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui signifikansi kerjasama FLEGT-VPA dalam mengoptimalkan implementasi program REDD+ dengan studi kasus Hutan Ulu Masen Aceh. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan liberalisme, teori ekonomi politik lingkungan global, konsep multi-level governance serta eco-labelling. Hasil penelitian akan dipaparkan mengenai interaksi kedua kerjasama dan signifikasi kerjasama FLEGT-VPA yang belum sepenuhnya mengoptimalkan program REDD+.]]>
<![CDATA[HAMBATAN-HAMBATAN YANG DIHADAPI CINA DALAM MELINDUNGI ALIRAN MINYAK BUMI DARI ANCAMAN INDIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Randy Julio Putra]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.134
<![CDATA[The increasing usage of electricity and transportation also the rapid industrial growth are three factors that cause China’s demand on crude oil supply keep increasing. Because of its limited capacity to produce its own oil, China leave with no choice but to become an oil importing country. Middle East is China’s biggest oil supplier. The high dependency on Middle East oil supply make China become highly dependent on Malacca Strait. India naval facility in Andaman and Nicobar Islands and its partnership with The United States perceived as a threat to the oil supply that flow through the Malacca Strait. This paper aim is to explore obstacles that China face in protecting its own oil supply from India.]]>
<![CDATA[DINAMIKA PASCA ARAB SPRING ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Syaroni Rofii]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.135
<![CDATA[The civil war that occurred in Syria shows a humanitarian tragedy in the twenty-first century.This conflict originally was part of a dynamic in democratic transition but turned into a prolonged civil war. It can be concluded that the cause of this tragedy is none other than because of a proxy war involving big countries. In this research, it was found that the failure of peace in Syria is inseparable from the influence of the big powers who use their influence to block any vetos related to Syrian crisis in United Nations. Each external actors attempt to protect their national interests and agendas at the same time reduce universal values. Conflict in Syria involving Rusia on one hand and the United States on other hand. Both coutries have different plan toward regime change in Syria which lead to other dimension of proxy war in contemporary world. This article attempted to explore the pattern of proxy war in Syria and its influence toward the stability of the region.]]>
<![CDATA[INTERVENSI NEGARA KETIGA DAN PERAN INDONESIA BERSAMA ASEAN PADA PENYELESAIAN ISU LAUT CINA SELATAN (LCS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Danang Prawira Hutama]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.136
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the development of the issue of the South China Sea (SCS), which until now it is still unclear the direction of its resolution, and over time finally got intervention from a third country, such as the United States (US) through Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPS). This is certainly received strong opposition from China that the US action has violated the SCS boundary which is claimed as China's sovereign territory. Indonesia as an ASEAN member country together with other ASEAN countries that claim SCS (Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam) is also working to resolve the SCS problem which is still in the process of discussion and signing of the draft SCS Code of Conduct (CoC) with China.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK KETAHANAN NASIONAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Angga Ramdhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.137
<![CDATA[The rise of nationalism values among democratic election in Western Europe had brought back the trend of classical realism in current international relations. Brexit phenomena, in which Great Britain choose to withdraw from European Union membership, is not separated from the trend. The phenomena become interesting case studies when compared to Indonesian election in 2019 where national resilience becomes the political focus. Using classical realism, this article aimed to understand why populism movement based on national resilience values was accepted in Brexit referendum but insignificant in Indonesian election. From the inquiries, this article concludes that populism movement emphasizing threats and nationalistic approach works in Great Britain due to instability caused by migrant, while Indonesia was much stable due to stronger national resilience against threats.]]>
<![CDATA[HACKER SEBAGAI AKTOR NON-NEGARA ]]>
<![CDATA[Yusep Ginanjar]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.138
<![CDATA[In 2013 it was revealed that wiretapping had been done by Australian intelligence towards a number of high-ranking officials in Indonesia. This invited the reaction of Indonesian hackers to destroy thousands of important sites in Australia and it is getting a reply from Australian hackers. Of course this is a bad precedent for Indonesia's relationship with Australia. Since its presence in international politics, hackers have been considered non-state actors. This research uses a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach. The purpose of this study is to describe the phenomenon of cyber warfare carried out by both parties as an attempt to attack and maintain the country's sovereignty over their respective versions. The conclusion in this study is the mirror of this cyber war case that hackers are included as non-national actors for their contribution in international politics.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN DIPLOMASI EKONOMI INDONESIA TERHADAP PASAR NON TRADISIONAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Mariane Olivia Delanova]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 02 (2019): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v4i02.140
<![CDATA[Pada saat ini, arah kebijakan politik luar negeri Indonesia yang dilaksanakan oleh Pemerintah Indonesia di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo mengutamakan kepada empat prioritas politik luar negeri Republik Indonesia, yaitu Kedaulatan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI), Perlindungan Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI), Diplomasi Ekonomi dan Peran Internasional. Salah satu prioritas politik luar negeri Indonesia adalah diplomasi ekonomi. Pada saat ini, Indonesia tidak hanya mengandalkan ekspor ke negara mitra dagang utama Indonesia selama ini atau yang disebut dengan pasar tradisional. Akan tetapi, pemerintah Indonesia juga mengarahkan fokus kebijakan ekspornya kepada pasar non tradisional, dengan tujuan untuk dapat meningkatkan ekpor Indonesia pada tahun ini dan juga pada tahun-tahun yang akan datang. Penelitian ini akan bertujuan untuk menganalisis pelaksanaan diplomasi ekonomi Indonesia khususnya terhadap negara-negara yang merupakan Pasar Non Tradisional bagi Indonesia, terutama akan berfokus untuk melihat tantangan dan peluang implementasi diplomasi ekonomi Indonesia di Pasar Non Tradisional untuk dapat meningkatkan ekspor Indonesia yang tujuan akhirnya adalah meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[TINJAUAN BUKU : MENGHADAPI DUNIA YANG KERAP MENGAGETKAN KITA ]]>
<![CDATA[Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 5 No 01 (2020): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v5i1.124
<![CDATA[Peristiwa-peristiwa datang silih berganti mengagetkan kita. Pada bulan April 2013, seorang pria berjanggut lebat dan bersorban hitam mengumumkan berdirinya ISIS di Timur Tengah. Kelompok itu mendapatkan uang dari, salah satunya, memperjualbelikan perempuan dan tanpa ragu menghancurkan kota kuno Palmyra yang punya nilai historis tinggi. Pada bulan November 2015, bom mengguncang Paris. Pemerintah Prancis bertindak cepat dengan melarang khalayak mengadakan kumpul-kumpul lebih dari lima orang. Pada bulan Juni 2016, hasil pemilihan Brexit menunjukkan bahwa mayoritas penduduk Kerajaan Inggris setuju untuk keluar dari Uni Eropa dengan hasil 51,89% berbanding 48,11%. Pagi setelah pengumuman itu, orang-orang di kota London tampak berjalan dengan lesu. Buku No is Not Enough: Defeating the New Shock Politics yang diterbitkan Penguin Books pada tahun 2018 ditulis oleh Naomi Klein untuk merespon peristiwa mengagetkan yang lain: kemenangan Donald Trump dalam pemilihan presiden Amerika Serikat (AS).]]>
<![CDATA[INDUSTRY REVOLUTION 4.0 : STRENGHTHENING THE CREATIVE ECONOMY SECTORS THROUGH BEKRAF IMPLEMENTATION PROGRAMS ]]>
<![CDATA[I Wayan Aditya Harikesa]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 5 No 01 (2020): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v5i1.139
<![CDATA[President Joko Widodo or Jokowi has made a great leap in enhancing Indonesia’s Small Medium Enterprises (SME)s and the country’s overall creative industries by establishing a new non ministerial institution called Badan Ekonomi Kreatif (BEKRAF) or the Creative Economy Agency. The BEKRAF, established under the Presidential Regulation Number 6 of 2015 issued on January 20, 2015, is responsible for accelerating the development of creative economy in Indonesia. Small Medium Enterprises (SMEs) have been playing crucial roles for generating economic progresses as well as social inclusion in Indonesia. Among the most important and worthy of priority is the country’s creative economy. The existence of BEKRAF will enhance close cooperation between the government, SMEs players and related economic stakeholders. This paper aims to assess the concept of “Creative Industries,” as a boundary concept that allows for increased co-operation between players and the generally opposing knowledge concepts—as reflected in their respective knowledge and cultural politics. Indonesia has great potential in terms of economic growth. In 2015, Indonesia’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rocketed to 4.79 percent, far above the previous expectation of only 2.4 percent. This encouraging climate is indeed the right moment for the government to strengthen the country’s economic foundation particularly in the real economic sector. Hence, BEKRAF has a vision to build Indonesia as one of the world’s great economic powers in the field of creative economy by 2030. This issue will be discussed comprehensively in the final part of the paper.]]>
<![CDATA[AKTUALISASI KEBIJAKAN CHINA ONE BELT AND ONE ROAD DI INDONESIA MELALUI PEMBANGUNAN KERETA CEPAT JAKARTA-BANDUNG ]]>
<![CDATA[Handriyanto Wijaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 5 No 01 (2020): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
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DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v5i1.160
<![CDATA[Pada tahun 2013, China dibawah kepemimpinan Presiden Xi Jinping mengumumkan tentang kebijakan One Belt and One Road (OBOR)yang bertujuan untuk meresturkturisasi ekonomi di kawasan Eropa dan Asia.Selain itu OBOR merupakan kebijakan China guna membangun infrastruktur yang membantu untuk melancarkan serta memajukan perdagangan internasional berbasis darat maupun laut. Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara di kawan Asia yang memiliki hubungan yang sangat baik dengan China, yang mana sudah 70 tahun Indonesia telah menjalin hubungan diplomatik dengan China. Indonesia ikut serta dalam mengimplementasikan kebijakan China OBOR dikarenakan banyaknya infrastruktur di Indonesia yang kurang memadai guna mendukung perdagangan antar negara. Adapun yang menjadi alasan keikutsertaan Indonesia bahwa pemerintah Indonesia memiliki keterbatasan anggaran negara untuk melakukan pembangunan infrastruktur. Oleh karena itu, pemerintah Indonesia memutuskan menerima pinjaman dana dari China untuk pembangunan infratstruktur khususnya terkait proyek kerjasama pembangunan kereta cepat dari Jakarta sampai Bandung. Melalui pengilementasian kebijakan OBOR tersebut dalam proyek pembangunan kereta cepat Jakarta-Bandung diharapkan dapat meningkatkan daya saing perdagangan dalam negeri bahkan dengan infrastruktur yang memadai akan mendukung peningkatan daya saing Indonesia pada tingkatan internasional.]]>
