cover
Article Per Year (5 Year)
All
Home Page
OAI Link
Editorial Team
Contact
Reviewer
Google Scholar
Contact Name
Sekretariat Jurnal Politica
Contact Email
jurnal.politica@yahoo.com
Phone
+6221-5755987
Journal Mail Official
jurnal.politica@yahoo.com
Editorial Address
Sekretariat Jurnal Ilmiah "Politica" Pusat Penelitian, Badan Keahlian DPR RI Gedung Nusantara I, Lt. 2 Jl. Jend. Gatot Soebroto, Jakarta Pusat, 10270
Location
Unknown,
Unknown
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional
Published by Pusat Penelitian Badan Keahlian Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI
ISSN : 20877900     EISSN : 2615076X     DOI : http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jp
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Jurnal Politica memuat tulisan-tulisan ilmiah hasil kajian dan penelitian tentang masalah-masalah strategis di bidang politik dalam negeri dan hubungan internasional. Jurnal ini merupakan wadah bagi para peneliti, akademisi, dan praktisi di bidang politik dalam negeri dan hubungan internasional untuk menuangkan gagasan dan ide-ide sekaligus sumber inspirasi khususnya terkait dengan proses pengambilan kebijakan, termasuk dalam proses pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 172 Documents
 5   6   7   8   9 
Indonesia-North Korea Diplomatic Relations: Effort to Pursue National Interest and Create Regional Peace [Hubungan Diplomatik Indonesia – Korea Utara: Upaya Mewujudkan Kepentingan Nasional dan Menciptakan Perdamaian Regional] Hendra Manurung
Jurnal Politica Vol 11, No 2 (2020): Jurnal Politica November 2020
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v11i2.1466

Abstract

This article aims to analyze the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea over its approximately fifty-nine years of bilateral relations, since 17 June 1961. The arguments posited in this regard is that the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea has been counterproductive. Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia actually has great potential to influence North Korea’s conducts through the close diplomatic relations that the two countries have developed. The friendship between Indonesia and North Korea began since the two states conducted reciprocal official visits 1964 and 1965. Indonesia’s foreign policy towards South Korea has often been carried out to influence the offensive decisions of North Korean leaders, especially in relation to the issue of nuclear weapon development. The key question is what should and can Indonesia do next to help create peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula by adhering to the principles of a free and active foreign policy? Why is it necessary for Indonesia to do this and how can Indonesia carry out this foreign policy towards North Korea? After becoming President since 2011, Kim Jong-un had to weaken his father’s winning coalition to consolidate domestic political stability. However, North Korea’s domestic market reforms have had the effect of eroding the Kim family’s ideological appeal. This is relevant to the expansion of political influence from Pyongyang, which prioritizes the continuation of a fragile centralized authoritarian power while maintaining sustainable domestic economic growth.AbstrakArtikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan secara analitis bagaimana implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara selama 59 tahun sejak 17 Juni 1961. Argumen yang ingin disampaikan tentang implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara adalah kontraproduktif. Indonesia di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo berpotensi besar untuk mampu memengaruhi perilaku Korea Utara melalui hubungan diplomatik. Persahabatan Indonesia dan Korea Utara dimulai sejak saling kunjung di 1964 dan 1965. Orientasi politik luar negeri Indonesia di masa lalu hingga saat ini, telah sering dilakukan untuk memengaruhi keputusan ofensif para pemimpin Korea Utara, khususnya terkait dengan isu pengembangan senjata nuklir. Pertanyaannya adalah apa yang harus dan sebaiknya dilakukan Indonesia selanjutnya untuk membantu menciptakan perdamaian dan stabilitas di Semenanjung Korea dengan tetap berpegang pada prinsip politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif? Mengapa hal tersebut perlu dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan bagaimana cara menjalankan kebijakan luar negeri terhadap Korea Utara tersebut? Kim Jong-un, setelah menjadi Presiden sejak 2011, harus melemahkan posisi koalisi pemenang ayahnya untuk konsolidasi stabilitas politik dalam negeri. Bagaimanapun, reformasi pasar domestik Korea Utara telah berdampak pada pengikisan daya tarik ideologis keluarga Kim. Hal ini relevan dengan perluasan pengaruh politik dari Pyongyang memprioritaskan pada keberlangsungan kekuatan otoriter terpusat yang rentan seiring bagaimana dapat mempertahankan pertumbuhan ekonomi dalam negeri berkelanjutan.
Pengelolaan Agenda Perubahan Iklim dalam Skenario Sistem Dunia Kappen: Respons Kebijakan Indonesia Hariyadi Hariyadi
Jurnal Politica Vol 8, No 2 (2017): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v8i2.1142

Abstract

PELUANG PENINGKATAN KERJASAMA INDONESIA-AMERIKA SERIKAT PASCA PERJANJIAN KEMITRAAN KOMPREHENSIF Lisbet Lisbet
Jurnal Politica Vol 2, No 1 (2011): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v2i1.291

Abstract

Bilateral relations between Indonesia and The United State of America had been begun since the Indonesia’s Dependence. But, the relations had not always been connected. They even got worse when The Congress of The United State of America imposed an embargo to Indonesia related to the chaos in East Timor. After The Comprehensive Partnership Agreement in 2010, both parties were hoping that they will convince to make a better and also mutually beneficial future. Both parties have decided to develop the Comprehensive Partnership Agreement in order to enhance the relations especially in trade and security issues because both of the countries have the interdependence in both issues. Because of that, this paper will analyze about the importance of Indonesia to the United States of America and the beneficial to Indonesia after the Comprehensive Partnership Agreement.
Menemukenali Syarat Keberhasilan Pemindahan Ibu Kota Negara [Identifying Conditions for Successful Relocation of the Nation’s Capital] Dian Herdiana
Jurnal Politica Vol 11, No 1 (2020): Jurnal Politica Mei 2020
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v11i1.1382

Abstract

Indonesia’s plan of relocating the nation's capital is intended as an effort to realize an ideal centre of the national government that reflects the character of Indonesia and to accommodate long-term visionary development. In the process, moving the capital is not only limited to moving the function of government to a new place. It involves many complex matters that require consistent, systematic, measurable, and sustainable measures. Based on these problems, this article is intended to illustrate the conditions that must be met for successful relocation of the nation's capital. The research method used is descriptive research in nature with a qualitative approach. The data used is sourced from secondary data in the form of books, journals and other relevant references. The results revealed that there are 6 (six) conditions that need to be fulfilled to successfully move the capital city, which consist of 1). Visionary leadership and consistent commitment, 2). Comprehensive legal framework, 3). Participatory and accommodative planning, 4). Professional human resources, 5). Cultural characteristics and openness of the local community, 6). Government organizational culture and social values. The aforementioned six elements are constructively intertwined with one another, therefore the government must ensure the fulfillment of these conditions in order for relocation of the capital city to be carried out successfully.AbstrakRencana pemindahan ibu kota ditujukan sebagai upaya mewujudkan pusat pemerintahan yang mampu mencerminkan karakter Indonesia dan mampu mengakomodasi pembangunan visioner untuk jangka waktu yang panjang. Dalam prosesnya, pemindahan ibu kota tidak hanya sebatas memindahkan fungsi pemerintahan ke tempat yang baru, melainkan menyangkut banyak hal yang kompleks sehingga diperlukan upaya yang konsisten, sistematis, terukur dan berkelanjutan. Atas dasar permasalahan tersebut maka artikel ini ditujukan untuk menggambarkan syarat seperti apa yang harus terpenuhi agar pemindahan ibu kota berhasil. Metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu metode penelitian deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Data yang digunakan bersumber dari data sekunder baik dalam bentuk buku, jurnal maupun referensi lainnya yang relevan. Hasil penelitian menunjukan setidaknya terdapat 6 (enam) syarat yang harus terpenuhi agar pemindahan ibu kota berhasil, yaitu: 1). Kepemimpinan visioner dan konsistensi komitmen, 2). Aturan hukum yang komprehensif, 3). Proses perencanaan yang partisipatif dan akomodatif, 4). Sumber daya manusia yang profesional, 5). Karakterik budaya dan keterbukaan masyarakat lokal, 6). Budaya organisasi pemerintahan dan nilai-nilai sosial. Keenam unsur tersebut di atas memiliki keterjalinan konstruktif satu dengan yang lainnya, sehingga dalam praktik pemindahan ibu kota yang akan dilaksanakan, pemerintah harus memastikan bahwa unsur tersebut mampu terpenuhi sebagai syarat bagi keberhasilan pemindahan ibu kota.
Countering Terrorists in Southeast Asia: The Hardline Approach Arya Sandhiyudha
Jurnal Politica Vol 7, No 2 (2016): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v7i2.1130

Abstract

The Global War on Terror discourse in Southeast Asian countries has been responded in various ways in order to face religious-motivated terrorism. Among those, there are hardline approaches in state level classified as military-focused, intelligence-focused, and law enforcement-focused approaches. Each has different policy backgrounds and is influenced by different actors. The analysis on each’s strength and weakness is presented in this writing by focusing on four countries, i.e Philippines, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia. The result shows that military-focused approach implemented in Philippines has proven as the most risky one even though has also proven as effective to paralyses terrorist group capability. Meanwhile, the use of excessive power undermines many achievement of intelligence-focused approach in Singapore and Malaysia. In both countries, neutralizing the terrorist groups is achieved by using less firepower, then decreasing the support and legitimacy of the groups in wider society. In Indonesia herself, law enforcement-focused approach has proven gaining success even though the terrorism threats remain.
DEMOKRASI DAN POLITIK MINORITAS DI INDONESIA Muhammad Imaduddin Nasution
Jurnal Politica Vol 4, No 2 (2013): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v4i2.323

Abstract

In Indonesia, the minority groups have a fairly high political awareness. However the minority in Indonesia have also realize a very democratic Indonesia, with higher political participation of citizens, above the participation of United States citizens. However, the actual political participation of minorities in Indonesia is facing a big problem. Discrimination, religious issues and ethnical issues ever coloring the ritual of democracy in Indonesia. In the meantime, the obligation to choose one of six “official” religions, being a form of discrimination against the other religions. This article will discuss the concepts of participation and political representation of minorities, the matters of integration of minority groups and the rights of identity of the minorities in the context of minority politics and identity politics. This article will also discuss the Christian minority politics in Indonesia, which is followed by discussion of the politics of identity of the other minority groups in Indonesia. This article was written to show how the minority politics, political participation rights and obligations, as well as their influence in Indonesian politics are exerevised.
Front Cover Politica Vol 8 No 2 2017 Jurnal Politica
Jurnal Politica Vol 8, No 2 (2017): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

PERAN ASIAN PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY DALAM MENDUKUNG SOLUSI DAMAI PALESTINA-ISRAEL Simela Victor Muhamad
Jurnal Politica Vol 8, No 1 (2017): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v8i1.885

Abstract

A peaceful solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that has not yet been reached should be of international concern, including parliament. Asian Parliamentary Assembly (APA), as the inter-parliamentary organization of Asian countries, needs to take a role in supporting a peaceful solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. APA’s role, in line with the concept of network diplomacy, is to strengthen diplomacy networks among MPs of APA countries, as well as with other MPs in international fora, aimed at safeguarding the Palestinian-Israeli peace process should be in progress and peace talks can be resumed. APA’s role was run through diplomatic activity in scope of the APA meetings and beyond APA forum, particularly in the inter-parliamentary forum. APA’s role, with its diplomatic network, is important to support the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, although it does not directly resolve the conflict. This paper discusses the role of APA.
IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN PEMBENTUKAN UNIT PERCEPATAN PEMBANGUNAN PROVINSI PAPUA DAN PROVINSI PAPUA BARAT (UP4B) DALAM KONTEKS OTONOMI KHUSUS Riris Katharina
Jurnal Politica Vol 6, No 2 (2015): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v6i2.314

Abstract

This essay is a research report on President SBY’s policy on acceleration of development in the provinces of Papua and West Papua as stated in Presidential Regulation No. 66/2011, which regulated the existence and function of the Unit for Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B), and its implementation and further follow-up. The qualitative method reveals in its conclusions that amid complex problems the provinces facing, working contributions of UP4B has been seen in the both provinces, particularly by native Papuan in the last two years of its existence. This essay recommends that UP4B should be further supported, especially in its role in giving assistances and capacity building in helping the provinces in forming clean, transparent, and accountable governances.
KEBIJAKAN SEKURITISASI DAN PERSEPSI ANCAMAN DI LAUT NATUNA UTARA [THE POLICY OF SECURITIZATION AND THREAT PERCEPTION IN NORTH NATUNA SEA] Ramdhan Muhaimin
Jurnal Politica Vol 9, No 1 (2018): Jurnal Politica Mei 2018
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

AbstractThe Government of the Republic of Indonesia released a new national map in July 2017. One of the new is the renaming of the northern waters of Natuna Island (Riau Islands Province) as the North Natuna Sea, which was previously included in the naming of the South China Sea. The policy of renaming has gained hard protest from China, one of Asia's biggest nations which has experienced significant economic and defense growth in the last two decades. The renaming policy of the sea is an interesting study because the policy was released when the escalation of security dynamics in the South China Sea is warming up. This study uses the concept of threat perception, and theory of securitization developed by Copenhagen School. The purpose of the conceptual approach in this security study, to prove that the renaming policy of the North Natuna Sea can be seen as an attempt to securitize Indonesia's national interests from external threats.AbstrakPemerintah Republik Indonesia merilis peta baru pada Juli 2017 lalu. Salah satu yang berubah dalam peta baru RI adalah penamaan kawasan perairan di sebelah utara Pulau Natuna Provinsi Kepulauan Riau sebagai Laut Natuna Utara, yang sebelumnya masuk dalam penamaan Laut China Selatan. Kebijakan penamaan ulang laut ini mendapatkan protes keras dari China, salah satu negara besar Asia yang dalam dua dekade terakhir mengalami pertumbuhan ekonomi dan pertahanan signifikan. Kebijakan perubahan nama laut ini menjadi kajian menarik karena kebijakan tersebut dilakukan ketika eskalasi dinamika keamanan di Laut China Selatan sedang menghangat. Kajian ini menggunakan konsep persepsi ancaman dan teori sekuritisasi yang dikembangkan Mazhab Copenhagen (Copenhagen School). Tujuan pendekatan konseptual dalam studi keamanan ini, untuk melihat apakah kebijakan penamaan ulang Laut Natuna Utara dapat dilihat sebagai upaya sekuritisasi kedaulatan kepentingan nasional Indonesia dari ancaman eksternal.

Page 7 of 18 | Total Record : 172

 5   6   7   8   9 

Filter by Year

2011 2025


Reset
Filter By Issues
All Issue Vol 16, No 1 (2025): Jurnal Politica Mei 2025 Vol 15, No 2 (2024): Jurnal Politica November 2024 Vol 15, No 1 (2024): Jurnal Politica Mei 2024 Vol 14, No 2 (2023): Jurnal Politica November 2023 Vol 14, No 1 (2023): Jurnal Politica Mei 2023 Vol 13, No 2 (2022): Jurnal Politica November 2022 Vol 13, No 1 (2022): Jurnal Politica Mei 2022 Vol 12, No 2 (2021): Jurnal Politica November 2021 Vol 12, No 1 (2021): Jurnal Politica Mei 2021 Vol 11, No 2 (2020): Jurnal Politica November 2020 Vol 11, No 1 (2020): Jurnal Politica Mei 2020 Vol 10, No 2 (2019): Jurnal Politica November 2019 Vol 10, No 1 (2019): Jurnal Politica Mei 2019 Vol 9, No 1 (2018): Jurnal Politica Mei 2018 Vol 8, No 2 (2017): Jurnal Politica Vol 8, No 1 (2017): Jurnal Politica Vol 7, No 2 (2016): Jurnal Politica Vol 7, No 1 (2016): Jurnal Politica Vol 6, No 2 (2015): Jurnal Politica Vol 6, No 1 (2015): Jurnal Politica Vol 5, No 2 (2014): Jurnal Politica Vol 5, No 1 (2014): Jurnal Politica Vol 4, No 2 (2013): Jurnal Politica Vol 4, No 1 (2013): Jurnal Politica Vol 3, No 2 (2012): Jurnal Politica Vol 3, No 1 (2012): Jurnal Politica Vol 2, No 2 (2011): Jurnal Politica Vol 2, No 1 (2011): Jurnal Politica More Issue