Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies
Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) is published by the Department of International Relations, University of Mataram. IJPSS is a portal to publish academic research and as a means of updating the development of Peace and Security Studies. This journal contains scientific articles that have never been previously published, either as a research result, applied research or scientific articles relating to International Security (both traditional and non-traditional issues) Studies, Peace and Conflict Resolution, Strategic Studies, War Studies, Terrorism Studies, Development, and Security Nexus and Regional Security. Information about writing guidelines and electronic upload procedures are available in the menu of publication guideline. All articles are included through a peer-review process. Issuance of the journal is twice a year, every June and December without processing fees.
Articles
63 Documents
<![CDATA[Menghidupkan Kembali Sukma Bhinneka Tunggal Ika dan Pancasila ]]>
<![CDATA[adrian adrian]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.40
<![CDATA[Perbedaan acapkali menjadi penyebab terjadinya konflik dan disintegrasi (perpecahan) dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat dan bernegara. Tak sedikit orang yang anti dan benci dengan perbedaan. Perbedaan seolah dipandang sebagai musuh yang harus diperangi secara bersama. Namun, tidakah disadari bahwa negara Indonesia merupakan negara yang terbentuk dari keberagaman suku, budaya, dan agama, yang jauh lebih dulu ada ketimbang kata “Indonesia” itu sendiri. Selain itu, keberagaman merupakan kehendak yang telah Tuhan ciptakan untuk kehidupan manusia, yang dengannya menjadikan kehidupan manusia berwarna serta memperkaya pengetahuan manusia. Maraknya praktek intoleransi yang terjadi telah menodai semboyan Bhinneka Tunggal Ika dan Pancasila. Selain itu, praktek intoleransi juga telah menodai citra Indonesia di kancah internasional. Indonesia merupakan negara yang dikenal rukun atas keberagaman dan menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai toleransi, sehingga menjadi inspirasi bagi banyak negara di dunia. Wakil Presiden Amerika Serikat Michael Richard Pence menyampaikan bahwa Indonesia itu insiprasi dunia, karena ada kerukunan beragama di tengah keberagaman. Oleh karena itu, menyeragamkan atau menyelaraskan keberagaman, merupakan tindakan yang bertentangan dengan norma-norma yang ada, serta merupakan bentuk perlawanan terhadap kehendak Tuhan.]]>
<![CDATA[An Analysis of Humanitarian Military Intervention in Nigeria: Focus on Saving Victims or Defeating Boko Haram? ]]>
<![CDATA[Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.41
<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This paper discusses the humanitarian intervention in Nigeria because the Boko Haram’s attack. Humanitarian intervention was carried out because there had been gross human rights violations in an area and the government's inability to solve them. Boko Haram attack has caused a humanitarian crisis in Nigeria. Unfortunately, Nigeria has been unable to solve the problem. Boko Haram is a separatist group that wants to replace Nigeria’s legitimate government to Sharia Law. Thus, humanitarian intervention is needed. This paper will explain three sub chapters of the discussion, such as: First, the political and economic conditions in Nigeria. Second, process of Boko Haram attack. Third, humanitarian intervention efforts in Nigeria carried out by international actors, such as: The African Union, some countries in Africa, the United States and some international humanitarian agencies. The research method used in this study is a descriptive qualitative method. Data sources from literature and internet studies. This paper finds that the humanitarian intervention consists of a military approach and a socio-economic approach. In 2020, humanitarian interventions focus on recovery in education, health issues, and assisting the shelter of refugees.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN ALBA & PETROCARIBE NICOLAS MADURO MOROS UNTUK MENGHADAPI DOMINASI POLITIK NEOLIBERALISME AMERIKA SERIKAT DI VENEZUELA PADA TAHUN 2015 - 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.43
<![CDATA[Poverty in this country. During the reign of Chavez and Maduro the people felt a little prosperity again, but this is what America hates because America is finding it difficult to implement its neoliberalism policy in Venezuela. After the events that continue to happen, Maduro does not remain silent. Namely by continuing Chavez's socialist policies. Here the researcher uses the theory of foreign policy decision making by Alex Mintz to explain what factors influence Maduro policy and here the researcher uses the concept of national interest to explain what Maduro's interests are in this policy, this research methodology is qualitative explanatory using interviews as data. secondary and librarian as primary data. This research finds 4 main factors in Nicolas Maduro's foreign policy. From the social condition of Venezuela itself which is very crisis-ridden to the point where there is a split between the layers of society, Maduro finally does not listen to the people's complaints to him, then from a psychological point of view, Maduro, who really hates the United States, has a very tough mindset that he is too confident in his beliefs. In order to be able to fight America, in the end his belief was not in accordance with expectations and instead had a negative effect. Therefore, it is clear that emotions play an important role in important political decisions. From an economic point of view, Venezuela is no longer able to support its own country in economic terms. If this country supports itself, there will be greater destruction]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Maritime Silk Road China dan dampaknya pada Keamanan Maritim Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ismah Rustam]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.44
<![CDATA[Dewasa ini, China menjadi salah satu negara yang menunjukkan peningkatan kapabilitas kekuatan baik militer, ekonomi, dan geopolitiknya yang semakin meluas. Dibawah kepemimpinan Presiden Xi Jinping, China mengembangkan banyak inovasi yang berlandaskan konsep fundamental yang dipegang teguh sejak dulu seperti “Chinese Dream”, “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” serta “the twin centenary goals”. Salah satu gagasan China terbaru adalah mereformulasi Jalur Sutera Kuno China menjadi Belt and Road Initiative, yang menggabungkan jalur darat dan jalur laut sebagai jalur perdagangan utama yang membentang hingga ke Eropa. Jalur maritim China memiliki tujuan menjadi penggerak blue economy China melalui ide blue partnership. Peta maritime silk road yang dibuat China memperlihatkan jalur yang melewati wilayah Indonesia. mempertimbangkan wilayah teritorial LCS yang penuh sengketa dan beberapa kali China kedapatan melakukan pelanggaran di laut Indonesia, maka inisiatif ini memberikan tantangan bagi keamanan maritim Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Understanding US “Re-pivot” to Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Sigit]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.47
<![CDATA[This paper explains the nature and the context of the future of US foreign policy to the Asia or so-called US re-pivot policy to Asia. By using the historical method, this paper tries to make sense of US continuous engagement in Asia, past and present; with a hope to illuminate even quite distant futures of US foreign policy direction. The 2020 US presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Joe Biden have signaled their strong intention of US re-pivot to Asia. However, the new re-pivot to Asia should be different from Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’. Re-pivot should bring practical economic, strategic, and political benefits to Asian countries, rather than simply containing China.]]>
<![CDATA[Budaya Machismo dan Kekerasan Gender (Femicide) di El SalvadorBudaya Machismo dan Kekerasan Gender (Femicide) di El Salvador ]]>
<![CDATA[Y. A. Wahyuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.50
<![CDATA[Kekerasan terhadap perempuan di El Salvador –sebagai negara dengan julukan the land of gangster memiliki eskalasi yang signifikan dengan puncaknya ialah femicide. Fenomena ini menandakan bahwa relasi kuasa yang tidak setara antara laki-laki dan perempuan semakin menguatkan budaya machismo dalam struktur masyarakat patriarkis di El Salvador, sehingga “budaya kekerasan” dan “budaya diam” dapat diterima secara masif. Budaya kekerasan terhadap perempuan ini tidak muncul tanpa sebab melainkan memiliki akar sejarah yang panjang dan terstruktur. Budaya maskulinitas yang sangat melekat dalam kehidupan masyarakat di El Salvador dan terwujud dalam budaya machismo mempertegas bagaimana dominasi yang dimiliki oleh kaum pria terhadap kaum perempuan. Perempuan seperti dianggap sebagai hak milik dan pemilik bebas untuk memperlakukan miliknya sesuai dengan kehendaknya termasuk yang berwujud kekerasan. Selain budaya patriarki yang sangat melekat tersebut, sejarah perang saudara yang panjang turut mempengaruhi tindakan kekerasan dalam kehidupan masyarakat di El Salvador dan terutama yang menjadi korban adalah perempuan dan anak perempuan. Kekerasan yang terjadi tidak hanya pada sektor domestik tetapi juga dalam sektor publik sehingga hal ini menempatkan perempuan pada posisi yang penuh dengan diskriminasi. Kekerasan yang terjadi justru dilakukan oleh orang-orang terdekat seperti suami, mantan suami, maupun pacar sehingga mengakibatkan ketidakamanan bagi perempuan.]]>
<![CDATA[Revealing Indonesia's Reluctance to Participate in the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) ]]>
<![CDATA[Achmad Ismail]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v3i1.55
<![CDATA[The Vision of President Jokowi to create Indonesia as a world maritime axis meets a variety of challenges. Piracy and armed robbery are the real threat faced by each state, in particular, Indonesia as a maritime (archipelagic) state. The escalation more is realized in real life. For facing the challenges, states in Asia create The Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP). Unfortunately, Indonesia is not joining the regional cooperation that makes this phenomenon is very interesting to investigate. Therefore, this article argues that Indonesia's foreign policy did not ratify ReCAAP's regional cooperation was identified from various factors including systemic sources, societal sources, governmental sources & idiosyncratic sources. This article uses a qualitative research method with a case study approach. Data collection techniques in this article use a literature study where is sourced from several kinds of literature. This article concludes that the four factors above that influenced Indonesian policy did not ratify the ReCAAP regional cooperation.]]>
<![CDATA[The South China Sea Conflict and Security Cooperation in ASEAN Waters ]]>
<![CDATA[Rifqi Setia Wardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v3i1.56
<![CDATA[The study aims to analyze how ASEAN acts to keep the region from conflicts over the South China Sea. The South China Sea conflict is a conflict that has a major impact on the ASEAN region; it is influenced by the territorial waters owned by several countries in ASEAN according to the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982. China’s unilateral claim in 2012 was the beginning of ASEAN’s concerns over the security and stability around the South China Sea and ASEAN waters. This article focuses on ASEAN’s response in response to China’s moves after unilateral claims and the establishment of military fleets around the Spratly and Paracel islands. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) on 2018 is an important response for ASEAN in the face of maritime security threats. Establishment of policy strengthening security cooperation will have a significant impact in the development of stability in the South China Sea region, where the situation in the region worsen with the increasing number of actors involved in the conflict. The findings obtained from this paper aim to explain the analysis of ASEAN schemes to safeguard the territorial waters around the South China Sea.]]>
<![CDATA[KEBIJAKAN PELINDUNGAN PEKERJA MIGRAN INDONESIA DALAM PANDEMI COVID-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugroho Bangun Witono]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v3i1.57
<![CDATA[Abstrak Pandemi COVID-19 berpengaruh terhadap kondisi ketenagakerjaan di Indonesia. Isu kesehatan masyarakat kemudian menjadi prioritas utama pemerintah dalam pengambilan kebijakan dibidang ketenagakerjaan. Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI) juga terkena dampak pandemi COVID-19. Beberapa permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh PMI pada saat terjadinya pandemi COVID-19 antara lain adalah ketidakpastian keberangkatan bagi Calon PMI, ketersediaan pelayanan kesehatan dan juga kendala ekonomi karena adanya kebijakan pengetatan arus mobilitas sosial. Pemerintah kemudian mengimplementasikan kebijakan pelindungan kepada PMI dengan mengedepankan kesehatan pekerja migran sebagai pertimbangan utama. Penelitian ini membahas kebijakan pelindungan yang memprioritaskan kesehatan pekerja migran pada tiga tahapan yaitu sebelum bekerja, pada saat bekerja dan sesudah bekerja. Melalui pengembangan literatur tentang kebijakan luar negeri dan kesehatan masyarakat serta analisis proses pengambilan kebijakan organisasional, penelitian ini mencoba mendeskripsikan kebijakan pelindungan yang diambil oleh Pemerintah Indonesia pada saat pandemi COVID-19. Kata Kunci: Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI), Pandemi COVID-19, kebijakan pelindungan. Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic affected labor conditions in Indonesia. The issue of public health then becomes the government's top priority in policy making in the labor sector. Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI) were also affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Some of the problems faced by PMI at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic include the uncertainty of departure for prospective PMI, the availability of health services and also economic constraints due to the tightening of social mobility policies. The government then implements a protection policy for PMI by prioritizing the health of migrant workers as the main consideration. This study discusses protection policies that prioritize the health of migrant workers at three stages: before work, at work and after work. Through developing the literature on foreign policy and public health and analyzing the process of organizational policy making, this research attempts to describe the protection policy adopted by the Government of Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic. Keywords: Indonesian Migrant Workers(PMI), COVID-19 pandemic, protection policy]]>
<![CDATA[Kompleksitas Kerjasama ASEAN Dalam Pemberantasan dan Mitigasi Terorisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Sestyo Ndaru Wicaksono]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v3i1.76
<![CDATA[Ancaman terorisme yang marak berkembang, terutama pasca tragedi 9/11, membayangi stabilitas keamanan di Asia Tenggara. Terdapat gerakan-gerakan separatis di beberapa negara anggota ASEAN yang dikhawatirkan gerakan-gerakan ini melakukan tindakan radikal yang mampu menggoyahkan stabilitas keamanan regional. Masing-masing negara ASEAN telah berupaya untuk mengatasi gerakan tersebut. Sayangnya, terorisme merupakan kejahatan transnasional yang penanganannya sulit dilakukan oleh satu negara saja sehingga membutuhkan kerjasama regional dalam rangka membangun keamanan regional di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Artikel ini akan membahas peran ASEAN sebagai sebuah Institusi Internasional dalam menyatukan negara-negara Kawasan dalam menyelesaikan permasalahan terorisme. Ada tiga mekanisme yang akan menjadi pembahasan dalam tulisan ini yaitu ADMM, ADMM Plus dan ACCT. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan Neoinstitusionalis, artikel ini berusaha untuk melihat mengapa kerjasama penanganan terorisme di ASEAN tidak dapat berjalan secara baik dan terkesan jalan ditempat. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa ASEAN jika dilihat dari perspektif Neoinstitusionalis jauh dari bentuk intitusi yang ideal karena belum tidak dapatnya ASEAN dalam memaksakan berjalannya mekanisme-mekanisme kerjasama penanganan terorisme yang telah ASEAN ciptakan.]]>
