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Abdul Basid Fuadi
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jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id
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jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id
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Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara dan Pengelolaan Perpustakaan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 6, Jakarta 10110 Telp: (021) 23529000 Fax: (021) 3520177 E-mail: jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id
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Kota adm. jakarta pusat,
Dki jakarta
INDONESIA
Jurnal Konstitusi
ISSN : 18297706     EISSN : 25481657     DOI : https://doi.org/10.31078/jk1841
Core Subject : Humanities, Social,
The aims of this journal is to provide a venue for academicians, researchers and practitioners for publishing the original research articles or review articles. The scope of the articles published in this journal deal with a broad range of topics in the fields of Constitutional Law and another section related contemporary issues in law.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Hukum
Articles 584 Documents
Urgensi Perluasan Pertanggungjawaban Pidana Korporasi Sebagai Manifestasi Pengejawantahan Konstitusi Timbo Mangaranap Sirait
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 3 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (373.136 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1335

Abstract

The acknowledgement of Indonesia as a state of Law as mandated by Article 1 paragraph (3) of 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is the fundamental objective of the Constitution where one of its dimensions is to create and promote fair and prosperous community, in pursuing this, with the spirit of developmentalism, the state allows the participation of corporations in the development with the hope that Indonesia will be able to compete in the globalization era. However, it is apparent that their participation has adverse impact, some of them have even been involved in bribery and corruption. According to criminal law of Indonesia, briber and receiver (gratification) will be held criminally liable. The method applied in this research is juridical normative which analyzes secondary data including secondary law materials in Criminal Code and Law No. 31/1999 in conjunction with Law 20/2001 on Corruption Eradication and United States of America of Anti-bribery Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). Based on the analysis conducted, it was found that Indonesia can only prosecute receiver of bribery (gratification) whilst the bribing corporation is prosecuted in the United States, it is also concluded that it is urgent to expand and amend the criminal law on responsibility for corporate crime as the manifestation of constitution in the Indonesian criminal law in order to counterbalance USA Anti-bribery Foreign Corrupt Practies Act (FCPA)
Pertentangan Asas Perundang-undangan dalam Pengaturan Larangan Mobilisasi Anak pada Kampanye Pemilu Meta Suriyani
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 3 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (386.816 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1339

Abstract

Article 32 paragraph (1) letter k Election Commission Regulation No. 15 Year 2013 describes implementers, participants, and officials are prohibited from mobilizing campaigns Indonesian citizens who do not meet syarats as Voters. However, Law No. 8 of 2012 on General Election of DPR, DPD and DPRD itself, does not expressly prohibit the mobilization of Indonesian citizens who do not yet qualify as a selector or exploitation of children in political activities, including campaign. So that the Commission regulation violates the hierarchy of legislation that is in of commencement shall contrary to the Law on Election of Members of Legislative as higher regulations. Therefore, it is also not in line with Law No. 35 of 2014 on the Amendment of Act No. 23 of 2002 on Child Protection. Mobilization of children in the activities of the election campaign is the deprivation of the rights of the child. Intentionally or unintentionally, the actual implementers, participants, and campaign officers have done wrong treatment (exploitation) by mobilizing children who do not qualify as voters in political activities in the activities of the election campaign for the DPR, DPD and DPRD held at central and regional levels occur in almost all parts of Indonesia.
Implikasi Pergeseran Sistem Politik terhadap Hukum dan Birokrasi di Indonesia Suryo Gilang Romadlon
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 4 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (332.574 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1349

Abstract

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.
Prinsip Hukum Pertambangan Mineral dan Batubara yang Berpihak kepada Masyarakat Hukum Adat Marthen B. Salinding
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 16, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (418.824 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1618

Abstract

Prinsip hukum pengelolaan pertambangan dalam Undang-Undang No. 4 Tahun 2009 tentang Pertambangan mineral dan batubara didasarkan pada prinsip manfaat, keadilan, dan keseimbangan; keberpihakan kepada kepentingan bangsa; partisipatif, transparansi, dan akuntabilitas; berkelanjutan dan berwawasan lingkungan. Namun permasalahannya ketika pertambangan mineral dan batubara berada pada tanah ulayat masyarakat hukum adat prinsip hukum sebagaimana dimaksud belum menunjukkan keberpihakan kepada masyarakat hukum adat. Metode pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini bahwa prinsip pertambangan mineral dan batubara belum menceminkan pengakuan dan perlindungan hak-hak masyarakat hukum adat. Masyarakat hukum adat tidak mendapatkan manfaat yang maksimal atas pengelolaan pertambangan mineral dan batubara bahkan justru dampak negatif yang dialami bukan hanya generasi sekarang tetapi juga generasi yang akan datang. Selain itu ada pemikiran pentingnya prinsip pengakuan dan prinsip persetujuan atas dasar informasi di awal tanpa paksaan sebagai prinsip hukum yang berpihak kepada masyarakat hukum adat, karena prinsip hukum tersebut memosisikan masyarakat hukum adat sebagai subjek pembangunan bukan sebagai objek pembangunan.The legal principles of mining management in Law No. 4 of 2009 concerning Mining of minerals and coal are based on the principles of benefit, justice and balance; partiality to the interests of the nation; participatory, transparency, and accountability, sustainable and environmentally sound. But the problem is when mining minerals and coal is on the oldest indigenous people’s ground. The principles of law as referred to has not yet shown partiality to indigenous people. The approach method used in this study is normative juridical, because this research is conducted by examining library materials or secondary data relating to the legal principles of mineral and coal mining that favor to indigenous people. The conclusion of this study is that the principle of mineral and coal mining has not reflected the recognition and protection of indigenous people’s rights. Indigenous people are not getting the maximum benefit from the management of mineral and coal mining even the negative impacts experienced not only by the present generation but also future generations. Apart from it, there is the thought of the importance of the principle of recognition and principle of agreement on the basis of information without coercion as a legal principle that is in favor of indigenous people. Because these legal principles places the indigenous people as the subject of development not as an object of development.
Akibat Hukum Pemisahan Hak Beragama dengan Hak Berkepercayaan dalam Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 Muwaffiq Jufri; Mukhlish Mukhlish
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 16, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (435.798 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1624

Abstract

Pemisahan agama dan kepercayaan dalam konstitusi adalah suatu kebijakan yang menimbulkan beragam permasalahan. Seringkali para penghayat kepercayaan mengalami intimidasi ataupun hal-hal lain yang mengganggu pelaksanaan hak sipilnya untuk menganut dan mengamalkan ajaran kepercayaan yang dianutnya. Dengan dalih kepercayaan bukan agama, para pelaku anarkisme seringkali melakukan pelarangan dan kekerasan terhadap para penganut kepercayaan. Kajian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif. Sedangkan hasil penelitiannya ialah bahwa 1) Alasan hukum pemisahan pengaturan antara agama dengan aliran kepercayaan disebabkan oleh politik pembedaan pendefinisian keduanya dimana kepercayaan diamsusikan sebagai tradisi dan ajaran luhur masyarakat yang bersumber dari budaya yang keberadaannya di luar agama. 2) Pemisahan agama dan kepercayaan berakibat hukum tidak diakuinya aliran kepercayaan sebagai agama resmi negara, padahal status aliran kepercayaan merupakan agama lokal yang diyakini sebagai agama oleh para penganutnya. Pemisahan ini juga mengakibatkan hadirnya beragam sikap diskriminatif yang berpotensi mengganggu dan merampas hak setiap warga negara dalam meyakini suatu agama, dalam hal ini hak beragama yang diganggu dan dirampas ialah hak untuk meyakini agama lokal sebagai agama warisan leluhur bangsa Indonesia. The separation of religion and indigenous religion in the constitution is a policy that causes various problems. Often the beliefs of the indigenous religion are intimidating or other things that interfere with the exercise of civil rights to embrace and put into practice the beliefs embraced. Under the pretext of non-religious convictions, the perpetrators of anarchism often make prohibitions and violence against believers. This research uses normative legal methods. The results of the research are: The first, the legal reason for the separation of rules between religion and indigeneous religion is caused by the politics of defining both of them in which beliefs are interpreted as traditions and noble teachings of society originating from cultures which are outside of religion; The second, that the separation of religion and indigenous religion that is caused in the law does not recognize the indigenous religion as the official religion of the state, while the status of the indigenous religion is a local religion that is considered as a religion by his believers. This separation also makes several of discriminatory attitudes come up to have potency in disrupting and robbing every citizen’s right to believe in a religion. In this case, the right which is bullied is the right to believe in local religion as the religion of the Indonesian ancestral heritage.
Penambahan Kewenangan Constitutional Question di Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai Upaya untuk Melindungi Hak-Hak Konstitusional Warga Negara Muhammad Insa Ansari
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 4 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (470.045 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1541

Abstract

Penyempurnaan sistem hukum dan konstitusi merupakan prasyarat untuk membangun negara demokrasi konstitusional di Indonesia. Dalam cabang kekuasan kehakiman, salah satu upaya untuk mencapai hal tersebut terkait dengan adanya gagasan pembentukan mekanisme pertanyaan konstitusional (constitusional question). Istilah constitutional question merujuk pada suatu mekanisme pengujian konstitusionalitas di Mahkamah Konstitusi yang diajukan oleh seorang hakim di pengadilan umum yang merasa ragu-ragu terhadap konstitusionalitas suatu undang-undang yang digunakan dalam perkara yang sedang ditanganinya. Artikel ini membahas mengenai kemungkinan dibangunnya mekanisme constitutional question di Indonesia dengan alternatif implementasinya. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini berupa yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan menggunakan bahan kepustakaan. Dari hasil penelitian ini disimpulkan bahwa terdapat urgensi untuk menambahkan kewenangan constitutional question kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dengan adanya mekanisme tersebut, putusan hakim di pengadilan umum yang dinilai bertentangan dengan konstitusi dan dianggap melanggar hak konstitusional warga negara dapat dihindari. Kemudian, objek dan ruang pengujian terhadap peraturan perundangundangan menjadi semakin luas dan pelanggaran hak konstitusional terhadap warga negara dapat dipulihkan. Apabila constitutional question akan diterapkan di Indonesia, maka dasar kewenangan constitutional question sebaiknya diatur melalui perubahan konstitusi. Namun, hal tersebut dapat juga dilakukan dengan merevisi Undang-Undang Mahkamah Konstitusi, penafsiran konstitusi yang dituangkan di dalam putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, ataupun perluasan legal standing untuk lembaga pengadilan sebagai salah satu pemohon constitutional review. Selain itu, perlu juga diatur mengenai kualifikasi pemohon constitutional question dan pembatasan waktu penanganan perkaranya oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi.Improving the legal and constitutional system is a prerequisite for building a constitutional democratic state in Indonesia. In a constitutional adjudication system, one of the efforts to achieve that goal is related to an idea to establish a constitutional question mechanism. The term of constitutional question refers to a mechanism for examining the constitutionality of a law in the Constitutional Court lodged by an ordinary judge who has a doubt regarding the constitutionality of the law applied in the case that is being handled by him/her. This article discusses the possibility of establishing a constitutional question mechanism in Indonesia with its alternative implementations. The methodology used in this research was normative juridical writing with qualitative approach and library research. The research results found the urgency for expanding the authority of constitutional question to the Constitutional Court. With the existence of such mechanism, ordinary court decisions that are contrary to the constitution and violate the constitutional rights of the citizens can be avoided. Moreover, the scope of constitutional review of the legislation becomes expansive and constitutional rights violations can be recovered. If the constitutional question will be applied in Indonesia, the basis of the authority of constitutional question should be regulated through a constitutional amendment. However, it can be applied also by revising the Constitutional Court Law, the constitutional interpretation set forth in the Constitutional Court decision or the extension of legal standing for ordinary courts as one of the applicants for constitutional review. In addition, it is necessary to regulate the applicant’s qualification of constitutional question and time limitation for handling constitutional question cases by the Constitutional Court.
Diskursus Pembatalan Peraturan Daerah Pasca Putusan MK No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 dan No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 Prim Haryadi
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 4 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (539.252 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1542

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis diskursus pembatalan Perda pasca dikeluarkannya putusan MK No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 dan No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 atas pengujian UU No. 23 Tahun 2014 terhadap UUD 1945 yang dibatasi dalam dua rumusan masalah. Pertama, bagaimana implementasi pengujian Perda pasca Putusan MK No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 dan No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016?. Kedua, apakah dampak putusan MK No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 dan No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 terhadap perkembangan hukum pemerintah daerah? Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan (statute approach) dan pendekatan kasus (case approach). Data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder yang berupa bahan hukum primer, bahan hukum sekunder dan bahan hukum tersier. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: pertama, pasca putusan MK pengujian Perda hanya dilakukan oleh sebuah lembaga yudisial melalui judicial review di Mahkamah Agung. Kedua, terdapat dua dampak penting atas dikeluarkannya putusan MK, pertama, dengan dibatalkannya Pasal 251 UU No. 23 Tahun 2014 maka hal ini mengakhiri dualisme pengujian Perda, karena Menteri tidak dapat lagi melakukan executive review. Kedua, putusan MK o. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 dan No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 tidak menghapuskan pengawasan Pusat terhadap Perda karena masih dapat dilakukan pengawasan preventif melalui executive preview.This study aimed to analyze the discourse of cancellation after the issuance of local regulations following the Constitutional Court decision No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 and No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 on judicial review of Law No. 23 2014 towards the 1945 Constitution which are restricted in two formulation of the problem. First, how is the implementation of a post-test Constitutional Court Regulation No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 and No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016? Second, what are the effects of the Constitutional Court decision No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 and No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 on the development of the local government law? This study is a normative with statute approach and case approach. The data used was secondary data in the form of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The results showed that: firstly, the following decision of the Constitutional Court about regional regulations review can only be conducted by a judicial body through a judicial review in the Supreme Court. Secondly, there are two important effects on the issuance of the decision of the Constitutional Court, first, by the cancellation of Article 251 of Law No. 23 year 2014 then the duality of local regulation testing is ended, because the Minister can no longer perform executive review. Second, the decision of the Constitutional Court No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 and No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016 does not abolish the supervision of the Center Government because they do preventive supervision through executive preview.
Prediktabilitas Ajudikasi Konstitusional: Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Pengujian Undang-Undang Titon Slamet Kurnia
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 2 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (391.056 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1322

Abstract

There is a strong commitment that constitutional adjudication should be more predictable. As a principle, what has been rightly decided in the past should be the law for the future cases or controvercies. This article makes a substantial critics directed to the constitutional court of decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 on the constitutionality of presidential election rules. This articles argues that the decision shows that predictability is still a serious matter in constitutional adjudication in Indonesia. The author then recommends that to be more predictable the constitutional of court should make a judicial tradition for respecting its past right decisions.
Presidensialisme di Indonesia Antara Amanah Konstitusi dan Kuasa Partai Susanto Polamolo
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 2 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (499.906 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1325

Abstract

Presidential power in Indonesia, was born exactly in between the mandate of the constitution, and the power of the party. Various constitutional experiments since the era of Sukarno, Suharto, to the current era of reform, shows how the starting- pull of interests, especially the interests of political parties melingkati Indonesian presidential system. The president’s powers in many respects, depend on how the political constellation, so the coalition model was prone to deadlocks, as a result of the apparent coalition. Therefore, in the future, the constitution must be addressed, and should clearly indicate the limits of political parties, so that the presidential system can really concentrate to the   people.
Calon Tunggal dalam Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015 terhadap Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No 100/PUU-XIII/2015 R. Nazriyah
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 2 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (449.393 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/jk1327

Abstract

The phenomenon of a pair-single candidate threatens delays in the implementation of simultaneous Regional Head Elections in some districts until 2017. Although the Commission extends the registration period of candidates to avoid the delay of elections simultaneously, there are still some districts that have a single candidate. The law on elections has not set the provisions definitely regarding what should be done if there is the phenomenon of a single candidate. Finally the parties who feel aggrieved the rights had filed a judicial election law to the Constitutional Court (MK) to find solutions to these issues. In its decision, the Court considered that the Act mandates the election as the executor of the sovereignty of the people to elect regional heads directly and democratically. Thus, the local elections should ensure the realization of the highest power in the hands of the people. In addition, the Court also considers the formulation of norms of Law No. 8 of 2015, which requires the presence of more than one pair of candidates does not provide a solution, which led to the legal vacuum. This can result in absent of holding the elections. Local elections which are only followed by a single pair of candidates, the mechanism selection is to determine whether the “Agree”  or “Disagree” with   the prospective partner. If it turns out the people’s voice is more to select “Agree” then the candidate is designated as regional head and deputy head of the selected district. Conversely, if it turns out the people’s voice is more to select “Disagree” then in such circumstances the election is postponed until the next local elections simultaneously.

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