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Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad
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Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 14115492     EISSN : 25798251     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/global
Core Subject :
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional is a biannual peer-reviewed journal that specialises in foreign policy, international security, international political economy, and transnational issues involving actors of the Global South, having implications towards the Global South, or perspectives from the Global South that are often overlooked in the mainstream journals in the Global North. With its first issue published in 1990, Global is the oldest university-based journal of International Relations in Indonesia, a historically leading actor in the Global South. Hosted by the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia, Global has been serving as one of the primary platforms for ideas exchanges among Indonesia’s most influential thinkers and beyond. In its attempt to internationalise and further bridge the North and South perspectives, the journal welcomes submission of manuscripts that would be of interest to scholarly communities and policymakers. For this purpose, since 2019 Global only publishes articles in English. Global publishes two types of articles: original research articles offering theory-driven empirical analysis and review articles that critically examine contemporary debates in International Relations literature.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 233 Documents
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China Threat Perceptions in Southeast Asia: Problems of Bilateral Interactions Prajuli, Wendy A.
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 15, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

Tulisan ini berusaha menjawab pertanyan mengapa persepsi ancaman terhadap Cina masih bertahan di Asia Tenggara meskipun Cina telah meningkatkan kerjasamanya dengan negara-negara di kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa minimnya jumlah kerjasama pertahanan bilateral antara Cina dan negara-negara Asia Tenggara adalah penyebab masih bertahannya persepsi ancaman Cina di kawasan tersebut. Struktur tulisan ini terbagi ke dalam tiga bagian. Bagian pertama membahas mengenai modernisasi militer Cina. Bagian kedua menjelaskan persepsi ancaman Cina di Asia Tenggara. Sementara bagian ketiga menjelaskan penyebab persepsi ancaman Cina masih bertahan di Asia tenggara.
A Nationalist Human Resource as a Vital Asset for Indonesia’s Development Fabrian, Dira Tiarasari
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 17, No. 1
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Abstract

Banyaknya populasi sebuah negara bagaikan pedang bermata dua. Di satu sisi, dapat menjadi aset penting bagi pembangunan negara namun di sisi lain dapat menjadi beban bagi pemerintah karena semakin banyak biaya-biaya sosial yang dikeluarkan. Agar populasi dapat dijadikan sebagai aset sepenuhnya, diperlukan pemberian pendidikan dan pelatihan keterampilan. Namun kedua faktor itu saja tidak cukup. Ada unsur non-tangible yang lebih penting lagi: nasionalisme. Nasionalisme merupakan faktor utama suksesnya pembangunan negara, dan oleh sebab itu, sudah seharusnya seluruh warga negara Indonesia - yang juga merupakan sumber daya manusia dalam proses pembangunan - memiliki tingkat nasionalisme yang tinggi. Cina dan India, dua negara dengan populasi terbesar di dunia, telah membuktikan bahwa sumber daya manusia mereka telah berhasil mengantarkan mereka menjadi dua kekuatan ekonomi raksasa dunia pada saat ini. Dengan populasi keempat terbesar di dunia, Indonesia seharusnya bisa mengikuti jejak kedua negara tersebut. Indonesia hanya perlu belajar dari kesuksesan Cina dan India dalam hal pembangunan nasionalisme.
The Partner in Prosecuting Crime: The Role of International Organization in Setting Up Corruption Eradication Commission in Indonesia Juwono, Vishnu
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 16, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) bisa dikatakan sebagai institusi paling efektif dalam sejarah pemberantasan korupsi di Indonesia. Terutama mengacu kepada berbagai inisiatif, tim kerja serta institusi di masa Orde Lama, Orde Baru dan awal masa Reformasi yang pada akhirnya mengalami kegagalan. Artikel ini mencoba menjelaskan mengenai seberapa besar peranan dari lembaga donor internasional dalam proses pengesahan Undang-Undang nomor 30 tahun 2002 mengenai Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi dan dalam membantu pembangunan institusi dari KPK. Metode penulisan artikel ini adalah secara kualitatif dengan mewawancarai antara lain pimpinan KPK tahun 2003-2007 dan Menteri Perekonomian pada masa Presiden Megawati Sukarnoputri. Selain itu artikel ini juga menggunakan sumber primer seperti laporan tahunan KPK, pidato laporan dari pimpinan fraksi DPR di Komisi II dan berbagai laporan atau dokumen yang diterbitkan oleh lembaga donor internasional.
Rivalitas Cina dan Jepang dalam Institusi Regional Asia Timur Veronica, Nuri Widiastuti
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 16, No. 1
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Abstract

East Asia has been widely known as the arena for geopolitical contestation between the great players and has been called as 'the grand chessboard' for geopolitical struggles, especially for the two regional powers, Japan and China. These two powers possess huge potentials to become the driving actors for the formation of regional mechanisms in East Asia, such as East Asian Community (EAC) dan China-ASEAN Free Trade Area. Economic cooperation between China and Japan in some regional forums brings hopes to end the long-term tensions and prospects for reconciliation among them. However, the interdependence between them does not simultaneously change the influence contestation and competition, especially for these past decades. This paper will try to answer a question about the form of competition between Japan and China in the context of regional institution in East Asia. By using theoretical approach of rivalry on interdependency, this paper try to analyze the roles of the two great powers in multilateral forums in East Asia, how those roles reflect their competition and what obstacles are heading their ways to be the "leader" in East Asia regional forums.
Perkembangan Five Power Defence Arranggements dalam Menanggapi Dinamika Keamanan Asia Tenggara pasca Perang Dingin Pratama, Caroline Putri; Candra, Darang Sahdana
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 16, No. 1
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Abstract

The Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) is a regional security institution in Southeast Asia, with Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, and United Kingdom as its members. As one of the oldest, and still existing, regional security institution in the Southeast Asia region, FPDA’s existence seems to be unheard of, compared to the region’s Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) or even the Cold War’s Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Although FPDA was created in the height of the Cold War, as well as in response to the potential hegemonic Indonesian threat to former British colonies, the institution is still exist even after both original existential threat wanes. In the end, how the FPDA can maintain its existence in the changing security dynamics in the region, especially after the end of the Cold War, is an interesting piece of puzzle to be solved.
Problems in Accepting Indonesian Candidates for Nurses and Certified Caregivers in Japan: Career Achievement of the Candidates Based on Qualitative Interviews Saito, Ayami
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 16, No. 1
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Abstract

Under the Japan-Indonesia Economic Partnership Agreement (JIEPA), the Japanese Government allows nurses and caregivers from Indonesia to join a training program in Japan. These nurses and caregivers are obliged to take an examination by the end of the training program, and if they pass the exam, they will get a work permit for a couple of years in Japan. However, there are cases where these nurses and caregivers have passed the examination and received the work permit, yet they opted to go back to Indonesia rather than continued to work in Japan. This paper seeks to explain how and why such case happened. This paper also tries to see how the former participants of JIEPA applied their previous experience in Japan to their current life in Indonesia. By interviewing the nurses and caregivers that once joined JIEPA program, it was discovered that family matters and inappropriate treatment from fellow colleagues at work are the two main reasons why these participants decided to go back to Indonesia after they passed the examination. As for their current life in Indonesia, many of these participants do not really feel the benefit from their previous experience, mostly because the demand for skilled nurses and caregivers is limited in Indonesia. Also, their Japanese language skill may only be useful if they are willing to work in a Japanese company.
Korean Wave sebagai Instrumen Soft Power untuk Memperoleh Keuntungan Ekonomi Korea Selatan Suryani, Ni Putu Elvina
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 16, No. 1
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Abstract

Korean wave is a term used to illustrate the product of South Korean pop culture that has been successfully exported to foreign countries in Asia, Europe, and America. By using the concept of 'soft power', this article argues that, while this phenomenon merely seems like an entertainment phenomenon, Korean wave has actually become a vital instrument that brings positive impacts towards the economic development of South Korea. The strategy to develop the Korean wave as a soft power instrument is actually something that Indonesia must be able follow. This might be useful as an alternative strategy to optimize the role of Indonesian local culture as an effort to drive the national economy in order to face the current global challenges.
Identitas Islam Moderat dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Andriasanti, Lelly
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 16, No. 1
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Abstract

In recent years, Indonesia’s foreign policy seems to portray moderate Islamic identity. This is, however, in contrast with the practices of Indonesia’s foreign policy itself. Historically, Indonesia has been avoiding the possibility of reflecting the Islamic identity, although the majority of Indonesia’s population is Muslim. This situation raises a question, “Why does Indonesia’s current foreign policy promote moderate Islamic identity?” The methodology used in this study is a qualitative method, specifically discourse analysis. There are four results of this study. First of all, by portraying moderate Islamic identity, Indonesia wants to distinguish itself from the other Muslim-majority countries, especially those in the Middle East region. Second, there are expectations from the international community, especially Western countries, to understand and to get closer to the Muslim world. Third, Indonesian Government wants to accommodate the voice of domestic Muslim community that has been expecting a better relation with the Muslim world. Last but not least, in accordance with the consistency of its worldview, Indonesia has a motivation to take part in international relations.
Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia: Pantulan dari 'Weak State' dan Masa Transisi yang Berkepanjangan Djafar, Zainuddin
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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Abstract

Evaluation of Indonesian foreign policy leads us to assess the following: Firstly, since the Soeharto era we have had close relations with the Western countries, we have enjoyed billions of US dollars of loans, held technical co-operations in various aspects, we have oil reserves, LNG and other potential natural sources; but as a result of the multidimensional crises in 1997-1999, our economic and business activities, as well as financial and banking systems, have been ruined. Secondly, the three following administrations (B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri, 1998-2004) were not able to do much, let alone restore Indonesia to its former position as a respected country among ASEAN community. Thus, Indonesia has continued to deal mainly with its problems of internal crises and undeniably, has become increasingly dependent of the mercy of Western countries (including the donor agencies and international financial institutions) regarding financial loans and other economic aids. This article is aimed to explain: (a) the meaning of the term “weak state” (b) what can Indonesia do with its foreign policy, which inevitably has to compromise with the “Weak State” condition? (c) what are the policies that should be implemented so that we can come out of the delicate situation?
ASEAN as 'Compartmentalized Regionalism': A Preliminary Discussion Choiruzzad, Shofwan Al Banna
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 19, No. 1
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Abstract

This article tries to offer a new ontological perspective to scrutinize ASEAN as a form of 'compartmentalized regionalism'. In contrast to the general view of ASEAN diplomatic practitioners and academics who see the history of ASEAN as an evolution of a regional project that in the political and security dimension becomes a multidimensional regional region through 'widening and deepening', the idea of 'compartmental regionalism' replaces the development of ASEAN as the development of two separate regionalism projects in a single entity. Both regionalism projects have different settings, supplemented by different actors, and work based on differing logic. Thus, the development of ASEAN should not be seen merely as 'widening and deepening', but as the development of two different regionalism projects and the complex interaction between the two.

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