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Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Published by Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27984427     DOI : https://doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v2i1
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Journal of Global Strategic Studies aims to become one of the preeminent journals in Political Science, notably on International Relations, Comparative Politics, and Area Studies. At this point we publish our issues twice a year, in June and in December. Depending on the number of submissions, we may increase the frequency of our publication in the future. We welcome submission on foreign policy, security studies, democracy, political psychology – anything that is interesting and high quality. As we also aim to inform policy makers and stimulate debates in political science, and thus, we are publishing both research articles and essays – so this journal will be part academic and policy journal. We also welcome and publish book reviews and short essays that question the findings and arguments in articles that we published.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 65 Documents
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Penetrating an Isolated Market Abutalib Manouchehr Arabi; Imam Mahdi
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v6i1.5487

Abstract

This article examines the Indonesian government's interest in signing the Indonesia-Iran Preferential Trade Agreement (II-PTA) on May 23, 2023, at the Bogor Presidential Palace. Using a descriptive qualitative approach and Nuechterlein's national interest theory framework as well as the concept of political economy, this research analyzes the economic and political dimensions underlying the decision. The research findings indicate that Indonesia's interests in the II-PTA are multidimensional: first, economic interests such as diversifying export markets to non-traditional regions, eliminating and reducing tariffs on 239 tariff lines, and the opportunity to utilize Iran as a gateway to the Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia, and Europe thru the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC); second, geopolitical interests in strengthening Indonesia's diplomatic position and maintaining an independent foreign policy of an active and independent stance; and third, interests from the perspective of international trade in the form of selective trade liberalization that enhances the competitiveness of Indonesian products in the Iranian market. With an export value projected to reach USD 494 million by 2030, the II-PTA is a strategic instrument for Indonesia to strengthen national economic resilience amid the dynamics of the global trade war.
The String of Nodes Leonardo Gioia
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v6i1.5493

Abstract

The Indo-Pacific region handles 60% of global maritime trade, and control over its territories is contested in strategic doctrine and public debate. Yet the focus on military primacy, alliances, and institutions such as ASEAN often bypasses a fundamental question: how are these exchanges materialised? Politics, economics and strategy converge in an under-theorized element: logistics. Without railways, ports, pipelines, and digital supply-chain platforms, there is no trade, integration, or durable influence. This article introduces logistical power as the capacity to project influence through infrastructure networks that bind economies, shape dependencies, and reconfigure geopolitical space. Moving beyond "debt trap" and the “String of Pearls” rhetoric, it analyses three nodes of Chinese infrastructure expansion in and around ASEAN: the Mekong basin, Kyaukpyu port (Myanmar), and the Chittagong ecosystem (Bangladesh). Extra-ASEAN cases Gwadar (Pakistan) and Hambantota (Sri Lanka) are examined to highlight how institutional density and collective negotiating capacity transform dependence from a liability into a manageable resource. The argument is that ASEAN countries are not passive terminals of Chinese logistical projection. Laos pursues calibrated dependence to escape isolation; Thailand pragmatically negotiates; Vietnam diversifies via bamboo diplomacy; Myanmar clings to Chinese support amid civil war. While logistical power can indeed redefine global hierarchies, the challenge for ASEAN is not to reject foreign infrastructure but to develop collective capacity to manage dependencies, turning its logistical crossroads into strategic leverage rather than passive vulnerability.
Law as Geopolitical Instrument Lawrence Brenner
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v6i1.5494

Abstract

This paper investigates the relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI) and its impact on the strategic autonomy of the Philippines. The research advocates for FDI to be considered holistically rather than only as economic discourse. The legal mechanisms utilised in the FDI process act as a key consideration when considering the geopolitical influence of FDI. The research uses a New Legal Realist approach to analyse EU regulatory conditionalities in comparison to Chinese contractual structures to investigate the impact of these upon Philippines strategic autonomy without impacting sovereignty. The research utilises primarily legal instruments, policy documentation and case studies such as the EU Global Gateway and Chinese led mining projects in the Philippines to show that both foreign investment approaches from the EU and China limit domestic policy formation in the Philippines. The EU investment primarily shapes governance through gradual regulatory alignment and ESG conditionalities, whilst the Chinese approach constrains the Philippine party contractually, creating operational dependence. The research finds that strategic autonomy is not eroded by a direct loss of sovereignty, but rather through legal and institutional limitations which reconfigure domestic decision making. The research shows that FDI is an infrastructural form of geopolitical power, projected through law, rather than relying solely upon market exchange.
The Efficacy of Work from Home Policy in Managing Immigration Service Delivery Gunawan Ari Nursanto; Arief Febrianto; Virra Wirdhiningsih; Muhammad Arief Hamdi; Seno Setyo Pujonggo
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v6i1.5495

Abstract

This study examines the effectiveness of Work from Home (WFH) policy in Indonesian immigration public service delivery, using Efficiency Theory and Digital Transformation Theory as frameworks for analysis. The findings suggest that WFH enhances administrative efficiency and supports digital transformation for remote-compatible functions such as visa processing, residence permit administration, and internal coordination. However, the policy proves less effective for front-line services requiring physical presence, such as passport issuance, biometric capture, and border control. The study highlights that WFH must be considered selectively based on the operational nature of each immigration function. Additionally, the effectiveness of remote work in immigration services is closely linked to digital readiness, cybersecurity, and the availability of secure infrastructure. The article concludes by proposing a function-based model for WFH implementation, emphasizing the need for continued investment in digital infrastructure and equitable access to immigration services. This study contributes to the understanding of WFH applicability in the public sector, specifically in immigration services, and offers policy recommendations for improving service delivery through hybrid work models.
Education as Statecraft Muhammad Faris Anugrah; Hizra Marisa
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v6i1.5496

Abstract

Since gaining independence in 2002, Timor-Leste has faced structural challenges in strengthening national development, particularly in improving human resources through education. This study examines the contribution of the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa in the education sector toward the improvement of Timor-Leste’s Human Development Index during 2018–2023. Using a qualitative-descriptive approach, this research relies on secondary data collected from official reports of United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Children's Fund, World Bank, CPLP documents, and relevant academic literature. Data were analyzed through document analysis and content analysis, focusing on educational access, teacher quality, and individual capability development. The findings show that CPLP has contributed positively through teacher training programs, curriculum development, technical assistance, scholarships, and academic mobility schemes. These initiatives strengthened Timor-Leste’s educational institutions and human capital formation. Empirically, Timor-Leste’s HDI increased from 0.606 in 2018 to 0.634 in 2023, indicating gradual progress in human development. From the perspective of liberal institutionalism, CPLP functioned as an international institution that facilitated cooperation, reduced capacity constraints, and promoted mutual gains. However, challenges remain, including dependency on external assistance, linguistic barriers, limited domestic bureaucratic capacity, and unequal distribution of educational benefits. Therefore, long-term success depends on Timor-Leste’s ability to strengthen domestic institutions and ensure inclusive educational development.

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