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Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies
Published by Universitas Hasanuddin
ISSN : -     EISSN : 29631394     DOI : https://doi.org/10.20956/hjsis
Core Subject : Social,
Environmental Science Social Sciences
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) is an open access and international peer reviewed journal. Our main objective is to disseminate current and original articles from researchers and practitioners that enrich understanding and contributes to the past, current, and future discourse and issues of strategic and international studies relevant to the Indo Pacific region. The article should address multidisciplinary research on theoretical and empirical questions in the topic around strategic studies, international relations, international politics and security, international political economy, transnational society, international diplomacy and negotiation, international and regional organization, governance and democracy, terrorism and transnational organized crimes. HJSIS encourage a robust analysis and rigorous methodologies (quantitative or qualitative or mix method) written in an engaging and analytical article style so that it promotes new ideas, discourse, controversy, and solid reflection theoretically or practically toward strategic and international studies issues of Indo Pacific. HJSIS is published twice a year, in June and December, by Hasanuddin University. All submitted articles shall never be published and are not under consideration for publication elsewhere. Articles submitted to HJSIS will undergo a thorough single blind peer review process. Editorial Board decides the acceptance of articles based on the recommendation of reviewer.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 36 Documents
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An Assessment of the Impact of Border Closure by the Nigeria Government on Regional Integration in the West Africa Region Ogundare, Yemi; Edun, Abdulkareem Jimoh; Ayinde, Salihu Mosadioluwa
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.27647

Abstract

Abstract Nigeria is the acclaimed giant of Africa in specific ramifications. The country is bordered by four African countries namely Cameroon, Chad, Benin, and Niger, and emphatically the hub-nub of economic survival of many African nations such as Togo and Ghana. However, Nigeria’s government recently announced the closure of its borders with these neighboring countries albeit, temporarily, and cited illegal importation of goods and services from these countries which has a consequential damaging effect on her economy. This paper interrogates the reasons and consequences of Nigeria’s Government’s action on border relations with neighboring countries. Adopting the descriptive design method, the research work relied heavily on secondary sources of data collection. Proximate stakeholders such as importers and exporters, Nigerian farmers, and relevant government agencies on border control were also interacted with. Using protectionist theory to analyze trends of actions, the theory argues that protectionist trade policies will always lead to an improved economic result. Findings reveal that despite short-run socio-political and economic gains, protectionism negates the principle of globalization and free trade principles which both the Economic Community of West African States(ECOWAS) and Africa Union(AU) promote among its member states including Nigeria that are signatories to the free trade protocols. The paper recommends among others, that the Nigeria Government should address her internal challenges within its border security apparatus to avert the double jeopardy of violating border relations principles and creating a trade war with her neighbors
The Causes of The United States Launching A Trade War Against The People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 2018 Lailah, Farihah Nishfah; Virgianita, Asra
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.31630

Abstract

The trade war between the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) has attracted world attention because it was predicted to affect the global economy. The trade war started with the United States implementing high import tariffs on PRC products, to which the PRC then responded with similar actions. The application of this tariff is a response to the trade deficit that occurred to the United States in its trade with China. The United States' trade deficit with China has existed since 1989. Meanwhile, in 2017, the United States and China agreed to implement a 100-day plan aimed at opening up and expanding trade between the two countries. Thus, the question in this research is "Why did the United States launch a trade war against the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2018?". The theory used in this research is trade expectations theory. The data sources are official United States government documents, World Bank reports and various journals related to this theme. This paper aims to analyze the causes of the United States launching a trade war against the PRC in 2018. The result of this research is The United States launched a trade war against the PRC was because of the United States' negative expectations of the PRC which made the United States choose war against the PRC even though there was high dependence between the two countries. Negative expectations of the United States were assessed by trade deficit aspect, foreign investment aspect, employment and unemployment rate, and public opinion.
Under the Shadow of the Siamese Twins: Ethnicity, Religion and Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential Election Muhammad, Abdulrasheed A.
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.32084

Abstract

Nigeria is considered a heterogeneous society per excellence. This is courtesy of its multi ethnic and multi religious character. While there is no agreement among scholars as to the exact number of its ethnic and religious diversities, its ethnic and religious composition closely follow same geographical boundary such that while the Eastern Ibo are mostly Christians, the Northern Hausa are predominantly Muslims while the Western Yoruba people are partly Christians and partly Muslims. Thus both often exercise joint influence on its politics. This is more profound at moments of decision making such as elections. This paper examines the 2023 Presidential elections in Nigeria viz a viz ethnic and religious influence in the election. Anchored on the rational choice theory, the paper relied on secondary source of materials such as text books, journals, electronic sources and official publications especially from the Independent National Electoral Commission. These were analysed using content analysis. It argued that both ethnic and religious influences are like Siamese twins as far as elections in Nigeria are concerned especially because of their geographical boundaries that roughly coincided. It concluded that Nigeria is yet to witness a significant departure in the pattern of ethno-religious influence on its elections. It, therefore, recommends the need for all stakeholders to be deliberate in stemming the tide of destructive ethnic and religious influence on politics in the country. Key Words: Ethnicity, Religion, Politics, Election, Influence
Assessing the Decade After: A Critical Analysis of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in the Libya Intervention Estriani, Heavy Nala
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.32456

Abstract

Currently, 12 years post-NATO intervention, Libya falls into the category of a fragile state, with worsening indices in the economic, security, and social aspects since 2011. While not a new topic, the situation in Libya in 2011 can always serve as a lesson and exemplification of the discourse on humanitarian intervention, specifically the principal aspects of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The current situation in Libya raises questions about whether there were flaws in the military intervention carried out by the NATO alliance in 2011. This paper aims to analyze the just ad bellum features related to the principal aspects within R2P were implemented in the NATO intervention in Libya. Thus, this study argues that the failure of the military intervention in Libya is due to the non-fulfillment of the basic aspects of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), especially in relation to just ad bellum, such as right authority, last resort, just cause, right intention, proportional means, and reasonable prospects in carrying out humanitarian intervention.
On the Case of Locke’s Limit of Free Speech, and Its Justification Karundeng, Muhammad Reza Tryandhi
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.32538

Abstract

John Locke’s Second Treatise exists as one of the fundamental concepts in modern political thoughts, acting as a basic foundation of liberalism at its early stages due to its core concepts focusing around freedom of speech and expression. His understanding of said freedom, however, comes with a limit centred around both direct and indirect harm, which acts as this article’s main point of interest. The author argues that Locke’s implementation of a limit on free speech does not impede the people’s freedom at all, but instead serves to create an environment where every opinion matters, no matter the origin, be it from a majority or minority. To support this argument, the author has put forth three claims based around several parts of the Second Treatise, along with case studies relating to them. As a result, Locke’s emphasis on the limits of free speech advocated for a wide-ranging opportunity for everyone to declare their opinions freely and openly, necessitating vigorous debates between opinions without resulting in friction between differing groups, acting as a tool for progress instead of conflict. To conclude, Locke reveals a nuanced understanding of freedom of speech while highlighting its role as a cornerstone of early liberalism while acknowledging limits around harm, and contending that his imposition of boundaries fosters inclusive environment while encouraging debates between opinions, and ultimately promotes progress in a society.
The Role of the Jewish Lobby Toward US Foreign Policy Making on the 2023 Israel-Palestine War (Case of AIPAC) Gultom, Yosua Saut Marulitua; Miftah, Hafidz Zaula
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i2.34405

Abstract

This paper examines the complex dynamics of the Israel-Palestine conflict, focusing on the role of interest groups, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in shaping US foreign policy. The conflict, rooted in historical and territorial disputes, has seen recurrent escalations, most recently triggered by Hamas attacks on Israel. The United States, a longstanding ally of Israel, provides substantial financial and military aid, with AIPAC exerting influence on policymakers to maintain and strengthen this relationship. Through qualitative research methods and literature studies, the paper analyzes the impact of AIPAC's lobbying efforts on US policy responses to the Israel-Palestine conflict. The article finds that the AIPAC lobby is deeply rooted in US policymaking structures, ranging from vice-president, and higher-echelon staff, to parliament members. This article also finds that since 2021, AIPAC has developed its policy to participate in political campaign contributions. Understanding AIPAC influences, the authors note that ethical considerations are crucial to maintaining a strong and representative democracy in the United States. This paper recommends the US to refocus its national interest because such overly foreign influence on national policymaking has the potential to harm America's long-term relationships and interests in the Middle East if the US can’t make the barrier for foreign interference toward its national interests.
THE GOVERNMENT’S ROLE IN PROTECTING INDONESIAN MIGRANT WORKERS IN SAUDI ARABIA DURING THE JOKO WIDODO ADMINISTRASION Bachtiar, Farahdiba Rahma; Hidaya, Razinatul
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i2.34543

Abstract

Saudi Arabia is one of the largest destination countries for Indonesian immigrant workers, where the majority are women. Unfortunately, most of them are also victims of physical torture, sexual violence and rational discrimination. This resulted in many cases emerging as a result of this torture. However, the policies during the Jokowi era are considered quite progressive compared to the policies for protecting migrant workers during the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) period with the presence of special laws, not just Presidential Regulations as were issued during the SBY era. How and why the government plays such a significant role is the main study in this research. This research uses a qualitative approach with a library study type of research. The results found were that the government during Jokowi's leadership played a big role in protecting the rights of Indonesian migrant workers, especially in Saudi Arabia. This role is reflected in the government's responsibility in various policies which make Jokowi's policies considered pro People Diplomacy. Through the 2015-2019 Medium Term Development Plan, for example and supported by Nawa Cita, during the Jokowi government, Law Number 18 of 2017 concerning the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers was issued as the highest legal umbrella which was then also followed by other policies such as bilateral cooperation and placement systems. channel (SPSK) or One Channel System. The Jokowi government's policy is based on two reasons. First, the fact that immigrant workers in Saudi Arabia contribute the largest remittance of all migrant workers in various countries, beating Malaysia (Kompas, 2023). Second, migrant workers are a potential profession to meet Indonesia's demographic bonus target in the future. Therefore, this research sees that the government's role in protecting migrant workers has been very good during the Jokowi administration. It's just that the issue of Indonesian migrant workers requires commitment from other actors who also play a very important role, such as distribution companies or providers of migrant workers.
Trends and Implementation of Electric Vehicle Ecosystem in Indonesia: A Literature Study Humayro, Afifah; Virgianita, Asra
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i2.34618

Abstract

This research discusses the implementation of the electric vehicle ecosystem in Indonesia as one of the steps to support the goals stated in the Paris Agreement, namely achieving net zero emissions (NZE) by 2060. Indonesia is one of the countries that implements electric vehicles to achieve NZE. However, Indonesia's technology is not yet established for producing electric vehicles and distributing them to the global market. Therefore, this research was motivated to look at 20 sources of literature that have discussed cooperative relations in the Indonesian automotive industry sector with electric vehicle-producing countries. This research maps this literature using a taxonomy method in three main topics, namely (1) the development of the transportation and automotive sector in Indonesia, (2) China, South Korea, and Japan as cooperation partners in the electric vehicle industry, (3) the readiness of electric vehicle ecosystem implementation in Indonesia. This research also includes the explanation of national interest theory to see the perspective of international relations in the purpose of the Indonesia government in achieving electric vehicle ecosystem.
Towards NATO Membership: Looking into the End of Sweden's Neutrality Amidst Strategic Shift in Europe: English Fiadi, Ilham Rilin
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i2.34700

Abstract

The year 2022 marked the re-outbreak of a chaotic war, between Russia and Ukraine, in Eastern Europe. While military attacks between the two warring countries were not directed to countries around the region, and Sweden does not have a shared border with both countries, Sweden decided to apply for NATO membership a few months after the war began. This decision contradicted with Sweden’s long-standing tradition of neutrality in foreign affairs for almost two centuries. Using the framework of neoclassical realism along with the concept of alliance, the shifting stance is explained through systemic incentives and intervening variables, which comprised of (1) the inconsistency in the utilization of Russian military capabilities and (2) the European Union's defense challenges; (3) the Swedish military posture, (4) the Swedish Prime Minister's perception, and (5) the majority support within the Riksdag (Swedish Parliament). This research also indicates that Sweden’s neutrality would be maintained during international competition or the growth of alliances with significant power capabilities in the region. However, the neutrality did not extend to non-military aspects such as trade and transportation access.
Global Cyber Norms Subsidiarity (UN GGE and UN OEWG) within ASEAN’s Body Cloramidine, Feline; Wibisono, Ali Abdullah
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i2.35313

Abstract

In the context of cybersecurity, ASEAN plays an important role as a normative extension that carries out norm subsidiarity of UN global cyber norms generated from UN GGE and UN OEWG processes. The subsidiarity of norms promoted by ASEAN serves to place any kind of global issues and global interest at the regional level, as well as regional issues and regional interest at the global level. This paper focuses on the implications of ASEAN as a regional institution in the context of cyber norm subsidiarity toward UN global cyber norms. This paper utilizes Acharya’s norm subsidiarity to explain how ASEAN performs a norm subsidiarity of UN’s cybersecurity norms. We argue that ASEAN’s norm subsidiarity role is possible due to the fact that the UN’s cybersecurity norms to regulate the responsible state behavior in cyberspace from the UN GGE and UN OEWG process were symmetrical to ASEAN Way’s emphasis on prioritization member states’ sovereignty and non-intervention principles. Furthermore, this article finds that the implication of ASEAN’s norm subsidiarity to the region’s own cybersecurity accomplishment is still unidentifiable. This article also finds that there are many factors affecting the process of norm subsidiarity in ASEAN, such as the heterogeneity within the institution and the lack of political will of the member states.

Page 2 of 4 | Total Record : 36

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