Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations
Jurnal Kajian Islam dan Hubungan Internasional yang dikenal dengan Jisiera merupakan jurnal akademik tahunan yang diterbitkan oleh Persatuan Kajian Islam dan Hubungan Internasional Indonesia (Insiera). Penerbitan jurnal ini bertujuan sebagai jembatan komunikasi intelektual yang memperkuat jaringan Insiera dan menyebarluaskan pemikiran atau karya penelitian yang memberikan kontribusi positif terhadap pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan dan ummat (komunitas Islam global). Jisiera mempromosikan perdebatan akademis dengan menyediakan artikel ilmiah dengan semua pendekatan akademik yang tersedia (intradisipliner, lintas disiplin, multidisiplin, interdisipliner, dan transdisipliner) yang berfokus pada isu-isu terkait Islam, Dunia Muslim, dan Hubungan Internasional. Perhatian khusus diberikan pada artikel yang membahas pendekatan Kajian Islam dalam Hubungan Internasional dan penerapan perspektif Islam dalam Hubungan Internasional. Meski begitu, Jisiera tidak sebatas pembahasan hanya pada tema-tema tertentu saja.
Articles
67 Documents
<![CDATA[MALAYSIAN FOREIGN POLICY ON THE ISSUE OF ICERD (INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION) ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Fatahillah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019): Jisiera Volume 4, Agustus, 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6790253
<![CDATA[ICERD (International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination) is international treaty initiated by the United Nations to encounter racial discrimination. It was inspired by various racial discrimination in US, UK, Germany, and Spain. At 20 November 1963, some countries in UN initiated Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The declaration then became ICERD at 21 December 1965 and opened to be signed at 7 March 1966. On November 2018, 179 countries had ratified ICERD. Meanwhile, 18 countries not yet ratified ICERD, including Malaysia. This article tries to find reasons of why Malaysia not yet ratified ICERD while international pressure on this issue is quite high. To answer the research problem, the writer utilize Robert D. Putnam‘s Two-Games theory. The research concluded that the government of Malaysia not yet ratified ICERD due to higher domestic political pressure rather than international.]]>
<![CDATA[FEMALE LABOR MIGRATION AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO THE FAMILY ECONOMY ]]>
<![CDATA[Sitti Nurtina]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019): Jisiera Volume 4, Agustus, 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6790270
<![CDATA[International migration occurs due to population growth that is not matched by growth in opportunities and job availability. Increased labor force and limited domestic employment, making the flow of labor migration abroad increased. International migration as labor is dominated by female workers (TKW). The increasing flow of labor migration of Indonesian women in abroad, even beyond men, shows the importance of understanding what is behind their movement. Especially women who are already married must have a reason to immigrate. For rural and married women who do not have many skills, international migration is a golden opportunity to improve their family's economy. This research is qualitative by using method of textual study by analyzing secondary data from various related literatures, then completed by semi structured interview with some main respondents that former female worker. Empirical data shows that married women working overseas due to economic considerations. Initiatives for work generally come from women themselves, whereas family members only approve. Thus, women have more freedom and confidence to decide to work overseas]]>
<![CDATA[OBOR CHINA, AS DAN RESPON ULAMA INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Herdi Sahrasad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019): Jisiera Volume 4, Agustus, 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6790292
<![CDATA[The success of China’s economic modernization surprised the international community. The 21st Century is the Asian Century that is hegemonized by China where there is no guarantee that China will consistently uphold “peaceful cooperation and coexistence” with neighboring countries in Southeast Asia. In 2050, half of the world’s gross national product will be controlled by Asia which China is predicted to displace the US to second place and become the world’s strongest player, followed by India in third place. Today, the world is witnessing: China which is authoritarian and rejects liberal democracy, continues to grow its military and economic power. The impact of China’s military and economic growth is increasingly felt by developing countries in Southeast Asia. “The threat of China,” a term that is often echoed by the US/West lately, is because China not only militarily great, but rather economically. Multaqo Ulama Ahlussunnah Waljamaah which was attended by thousands of Ulama, Habaib, Kyai, Caretakers of Islamic Boarding Schools throughout Indonesia who gathered at the Darussalam Boarding School in Wanaraja Garut, West Java on May 12, 2019 had expressed rejection of the People's Republic of China One Belt One Road program.]]>
<![CDATA[KONSTRUKSI SOSIAL MEDIA MASSA ATAS HUBUNGAN INDONESIA-MALAYSIA DAN PENGARUHNYA TERHADAP NETWAR-TAUNTWAR ]]>
<![CDATA[Ruli Inayah Ramadhoan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 1 (2020): Jisiera Volume 5, Agustus, 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6790603
<![CDATA[History of Indonesia’s confrontation towards Malaysia in 1963 left a strong impression within Indonesian as well as Malaysian society. It was the term ‘Ganyang Malaysia’ that was depicted as a symbol of protest from Indonesia was well acknowledged by the society. In the development of the issue to the present days, the term that is considered heart-breaking for Malaysian society is continuously used by Indonesian as ‘blasphemy’ towards Malaysian. As a response, Malaysian called ‘Indon’ to address the people of Indonesia. Indonesian were not accepting the term ‘Indon’ that is used to address them since it tends as an insult. When hike of political tension between Malaysia and Indonesia occured, media has often used the idioms in their headlines and news contents repeatedly. This research covers the practice of the social-political construction of mass media in ASEAN taking an example of the news reported in Indonesia and Malaysia. Media constructions of Indonesia-Malaysia’s conflict produced the negative stigma of both states which resulted in the negative image of Indonesian society in Malaysia and vis-à-vis. The image constructed, then spreads to the public and spread around the internet which resulted in commotion. The spirit of anti-Malaysia and the spirit of anti-Indonesia in the virtual realm is the potential sources of conflicts in the future. It will hamper ASEAN collective efforts in developing an awareness of united ASEAN society.]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH DINAMIKA INTERNAL DAN EKSTERNAL UNI EMIRAT ARAB DALAM PENGAMBILAN KEBIJAKAN NORMALISASI UNI EMIRAT ARAB-ISRAEL ]]>
<![CDATA[SYAIFUL ANAM]]>;
<![CDATA[Amalia Hasanah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 1 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, April, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.8035819
<![CDATA[This research analyzes how United Arab Emirates (UAE) internal and external settings affect the UAE's decision to normalize its diplomatic ties with Israel. Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin's foreign policy theory of internal-external setting is used to analyze this research. For the research methodology, qualitative methods are used, with most of the data coming from secondary sources. This research ascertains that several internal and external settings play a significant role in the normalization. For instance, two internal settings are affecting this policy. First, The UAE security threat comes from its position as a small country sandwiched between the two most considerable regional powers. Second, The shift in UAE's public opinion toward Israel's sovereignty. As for the External setting, three factors play a crucial role in this decision. First, the polarization in the middle east makes it easier for UAE to secure its safety by taking a side. Second, diplomatic normalization between Qatar and Iran is changing the dynamic in the middle east, bringing a potential threat to UEA. Third, Trump endeavors to get US allies in the Middle East closer to Israel by proposing Trump Peace Plan. Trump's Peace Plan provides a pretext for UAE to normalize its ties with Israel without seemingly putting Palestinian issues under the bus.]]>
<![CDATA[JARINGAN RADIKALISME DI JAWA TIMUR PASCA REFORMASI ]]>
<![CDATA[Gonda Yumitro]]>;
<![CDATA[Rizki Febriani]]>;
<![CDATA[Ali Roziqin]]>;
<![CDATA[Sukma Oktaviani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 1 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, April, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.8035810
<![CDATA[This article examines the radicalism networks in East Java Post-reformation Indonesia. The explanation focuses on the existence of radicalism groups and its movement that are camouflaged in Indonesian education life since post-reformation. The method used in this article was qualitative research by using some applications such as Harzing Published or Perish to collect data publications, Mendeley to changed data as a RIS, and Vos viewer for visualizing data relevant to the topic and help to compile the explanation in this article. It is found that radicalism in Indonesia was connected to domestic and transnational movements. The result showed Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD) was the most active group radical that carried out acts of terror in East Java. Even today, JAD was known as a dangerous terrorist group, not only in Indonesia but also globally.]]>
<![CDATA[Sekuritisasi TikTok di Amerika Serikat di Masa Pemerintahan Donald Trump pada tahun 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmadhaniah Putri Ichwan]]>;
<![CDATA[Rizki Dian Nursita]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 1 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, April, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.8035794
<![CDATA[Donald Trump issued a policy to ban the use of the application made in China with suspicions of theft of personal data of US citizens of TikTok users and as a first step in protecting national security. Fears of data theft and espionage that Donald Trump assumes will be channeled to the Chinese government—particularly by the Chinese Communist Party, are threatening TikTok to no longer operate in the United States. Trump's speech act to the media and his statement on August 6, 2020 at the White House became the first step in America's national emergency in banning TikTok in the US. However, there have been some discussions and considerations between TikTok and Donald Trump and the US government, especially with the US Department of Commerce and the Secretary of State. By using securitization theory, the author analyzes the steps taken by Trump regarding the problems he faces. The provisional argument against this case is that Trump banned TikTok to protect his national security, especially data and at the same time cover up his campaign failure in Tulsa, Oklahoma. There is also an assumption that Trump will buy TikTok not only for reasons of national security but in order to be able to control the work of the application and have algorithm technology that is the key to the success of the application.]]>
<![CDATA[Akar Politik Identitas di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sofi Mubarok]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 1 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, April, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.8035777
<![CDATA[In the last decade, identity politics has become a central theme in political discourse in Indonesia. The peak was when the DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial Election was held in 2017. The emergence of the issue of the use of identity politics that carried religion and ethnicity caused various debates among intellectuals and the public. Using Michel Foucault's concepts of power and knowledge, this paper uncovers and analyzes the processes and debates behind the re-emergence of identity politics in Indonesia. Using a literature study approach, this research proves that identity politics in Indonesia existed even before the era of independence. This means that this is not something new and also that Indonesia's political experience has always been able to handle this situation. Keywords: Identity, Politics, Islam, Power, History, Indonesia]]>
<![CDATA[FAKTOR IDEOLOGI DALAM SIKAP KRITIS POLITIK LUAR NEGERI IRAN TERHADAP BARAT ]]>
<![CDATA[Ramdhan Muhaimin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 1 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, April, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.8035834
<![CDATA[Iran is one of the countries in the Middle East that has always been oppositional of the United States (US) and Western hegemony in the region. Iran's foreign policy is critical of the US and the West has emerged especially after the revolution in 1979. This critical attitude is compounded by Iran's nuclear technology capabilities. So, in the Middle East, there are two countries with nuclear technology capabilities for both civilian and military purposes: Iran and Israel. While the US called Iran 'the axis of evil' and is a supporter of global terrorism. Iran's relations with Western countries have been always conflictual because of Western distrust. Through an analytical descriptive qualitative method, this research will collect data and information from the library (library research) to analyze constructivism factors as the background of Iran's critical attitude. The constructivism approach in this research is the factor of history and collective identity in the form of the Iranian nation's ideology. From the literature, this research concludes that attitudes in Iran's foreign policy are influenced by the theology of Imamah or itsna asyariah as the ideology of the Iranian people. The ideology of the Shia believes that the establishment of the Republic of Islamic State is a 'stage' to welcome the arrival of Imam Mahdi. Iran's foreign policy aims to maintain this goal. This factor stimulated the revolutionary 1979 so that Iran's conflicting relations with the West.]]>
