Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[Models And Strategies for Developing the Electricity Sector in Indonesia as A Key Element for Poverty Eradication: Evaluation of The First Year ]]>
<![CDATA[Sambodo, Maxensius Tri]]>;
<![CDATA[Negara, Siwage Dharma]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Helmy Fuady]]>;
<![CDATA[Inne Dwi Astuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 2 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study is part of multiyear research on electricity access at remote areas. The end goal of the study is to develop a model of electricity access in remote area. We collected a baseline information as part of quasi experimental study at some villages, in Satar Mese sub-district, East Nusa Tenggara. The baseline data showed three major finding. First, households with electricity access spent significantly less on kerosene. Second, access to electricity increases spending on non-food items significantly. Third, because the off grid SEHEN program is for lighting, we do not obtain strong evidence for a causal relation between electricity access and increases in working hours. We found that access to electricity can improve peoples welfare through increasing spending on food and non-food spending. This mechanism can work because the price of SEHEN is relatively cheaper than kerosene light. Thus, people obtained extra saving on energy spending. In the long terms, we expect, more jobs can be created when electricity production increases.]]>
<![CDATA[The Response of Contemporary Indonesian Islamic Parties Towards Pluralism ]]>
<![CDATA[Noor, Firman]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 1 (2017): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Religion-based political parties, particularly Islamic parties, are often perceived as being less committed to preserving pluralism in comparison with secular parties. Some people regard them as having hidden agendas which are not proper for Indonesia as a plural country. By exploring the ideals and practical aspects of several major Islamic parties, this article wants to highlight the views and attitudes of these parties’ in relation to political diversity that indicates a real position of pluralism within these parties. To measure the Islamic parties’ commitment on pluralism, this article will explore these issues:(1) the main purpose of party establishment, (2) the concept of the ideal form and foundation of a state, including the vision of Pancasila, (3) attitudes towards minority groups, including non-Muslims, Ahmadiyah, Syiah and any other minority groups, (4) policies related to religious concerns, including rights to religious education, the establishment of Islamic Syariah at the local level, and radicalism and (5) developments of political cooperation with secular and non-Muslim parties. The discussion will also touch upon the reasons behind the response towards pluralism as well as addressing the question on whether the response towards pluralism is based on pragmatic interests or Islamic idealism. Discussions about the Islamic parties will also reveal the gradation and level of commitment of the Islamic Parties to pluralism, which in general tend to be supportive towards pluralism.]]>
<![CDATA[Dealing With Discrimination: Women Labor and Oil Palm Plantation Expansion in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Pradipta, Lengga]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 1 (2017): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Oil palm plantations have expanded massively in the isolated areas of Indonesia in the last decades. They cover more than 13.5 million hectares across Indonesia and spread into more than 10 provinces. Riau and West Sumatra are the two provinces that have been targeted for oil palm plantation expansion. When oil palm companies entered Riau and West Sumatra, they started to expand their operations and promised to provide the employment for local people, especially women. At first, this went smoothly. However, along with many other social, economic and environmental issues, oil palm companies are no longer giving adequate protection for the women in the labor force. Women operate in unsafe working conditions and always get an unfair share of income. The health of women who work for oil palm companies suffers greatly. They have to handle pesticides and fertilizers without protection such as masks and gloves. Although women put much effort in working for the oil palm companies, they always get lower financial compensation than the men. This situation demonstrates the tremendous discrimination in the oil palm industry. This is violates many regulations, especially the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) article 11, which mentions that all parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the field of employment to protect health and safety in the workplace and to ensure equal wages between men and women. This situation not only contravenes CEDAW, but also Act Number 13/2003 about Manpower (article 22) which is concerned with the safe working environment and equal wages among employees. The aim of this study is to investigate the current situation in the oil palm industry in Indonesia and how companies discriminate against women without considering the international and national regulations. This study is not only focuses on the oil palm industry itself, but also on women, and how they survive as employees of oil palm companies. This study used qualitative methods, which have been conducted through observation, key informant interviews and secondary data. The study also reveals that in order to solve the case about women labor in oil palm plantations, critical changes are urgently needed, not only from government as the policy makers, but also from many other stakeholders.]]>
<![CDATA[Is The ‘ASEAN Economic Community’ Under Siege? The New Trajectory of the ASEAN Economic Community the two Mega Regional Agreements; “RCEP” and “TPP” ]]>
<![CDATA[Kusumawardhana, Indra]]>;
<![CDATA[Daniel, Jeremiah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 1 (2017): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) was signed by the leading nations of Southeast Asia in Kuala Lumpur on 31, December 2015. This was a great achievement of regional integration, pointing members of the AEC towards a single market “awakening”. Despite this tremendous progress, the reality is that ASEAN members are now involved in two mega-regional agreements. One, which has the potential to protect ASEAN centrality, ASEAN+6 or the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP); and the other, the US-led Trans-Pacific-Partnership Agreement. This participation by ASEAN members with various economic partners outside ASEAN may result in dependency to global capitalism networks. Departing from the above mentioned context, the core question then arises: “Has the global economic structure provide an opportune precondition for the implementation of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)?” To tackle this question, this essay will use Dependency Theory to analyze the global economic structures which encase the AEC’s regional economic integration agenda and to reveal the ASEAN members’ dependence on global capitalism. This essay explores both the attempts of the ASEAN framework to create a comprehensive economic community; and the consequences of ASEAN integration with two mega-regional agreements in the region. It is argued that the dependency of ASEAN members on the structure of the global economy proves that it does not provide a proper pre-conditioning for the AEC to be implemented. Moreover, it will be hegemonic factors that challenge the existence of the AEC.]]>
<![CDATA[Regional Security Complex in ASEAN: Neutrality and Centrality at Brink in the South China Sea Issue ]]>
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 1 (2017): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The South China Sea conflict has been a highly sensitive issue for the last 5 years in ASEAN. China and the US have been using the South China Sea as the “New Cold War Arena” of power and military hegemonic competition in the South East Asia region. This has been a major challenge for ASEAN as the only regional organization in the South East Asia region that has direct in the area must take major role in managing and resolving the dispute peacefully even though ASEAN has no defense pact like NATO. This paper argues that ASEAN, at this moment, must maintain its role as a mediator and independent-negotiator in the region but at the same time apply its principle of gradually adapting with the new international system. This article also suggests that in the future, ASEAN can take a major role in the governance of the South China Sea and the South East Asia region.]]>
<![CDATA[The Influence of The Strategic Position of Indonesia in The South China Sea Toward The Military Partnership Between Indonesia And China in 2010-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Zuhri, Ahmad Syaifuddin]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanifa]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 1 (2017): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the strategic position of Indonesia in South China Sea (SCS) towards the military partnership of Indonesia and China from 2010-2015. The aim of this research is to analyze how the strategic position of Indonesia influences the military relationship between Indonesia and China. The South China Sea is one of the most strategic and influential regions; it has the capability to threaten the stability of Southeast Asia. Indonesia as one of the most significant countries in ASEAN geographically, has a strategic but conflicted position. This research will analyze how the strategic position of Indonesia in the SCS influences their military partnership with China. This research formulates questions as to how the Indonesian strategic position in the South China Sea influences the China-Indonesia military relationship in 2010-2015? This article a neo-realist theory, a national security concept and a geo-strategic concept to accomplish this. It also uses a qualitative method of analysis through research papers and holding interviews. Through the three concepts and school of thought, this research has found that there is an influence on the strategic position of Indonesia in the militaristic relationship between Indonesia and China. The strategic location of Indonesia in the South China Sea and the significant role Indonesia plays in ASEAN can positively affect the relationship between Indonesia and China.]]>
<![CDATA[The Application of Transfer Knowledge of Ex Japan Trainees from Indonesia: Alternative Solution for Rural Development in South Sulawesi and East Java ]]>
<![CDATA[Riskianingrum, Devi]]>;
<![CDATA[Gusnelly]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 1 (2017): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[International migration has changed the lives of many people and households in the villages by the value of remittance sent home by migrant workers. Japan is one of many destination countries for Indonesian migrant workers. Since 1993, Indonesian migrant workers have come to Japan on two available schemes, namely the Technical Internship Program (TIP) and the Industrial Training Program (ITP). The remittance in this study does not refer to money but more to knowledge, either in the form of ideas of social cultural values, work ethics, or business ideas obtained by trainees while working in Japan. Trainees not only receive economic but also social remittance whilst working in Japan. These trainees are expected to return with benefits to their social neighborhoods. Hence several subjects are posed in this study which identify the forms and structures of knowledge transferred from Japan to the trainees, the applicability of the knowledge received from the host country to their home country and the challenges and obstacles in managing their economic remittances.]]>
<![CDATA[Environmental Degradation and Poverty Nexus: Evidence From Coral Reef Destruction In Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Kanetasya Sabilla]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 2 (2017): Health, Environment, and Sustainable Development ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[In a rural area, environmental degradation and poverty nexus focuses on the high-dependency of poor people to natural resources-based livelihood. Arguably, limited assets of poor people cause them to be unable to cope with natural resources degradation and to undertake sustainable practice in their livelihood activities. This study attempts to find the nexus between environmental degradation and poverty in the case of coral reef destruction in Indonesia by applying secondary research as a methodology. A sustainable livelihood framework is applied to analyze small-scale fisher people’s vulnerability and capacity to destruct. This study finds that small-scale fisher-people have limited assets to cope with coral reef destruction; however, the same condition leads them to destruct coral reef by doing the destructive fishing practice. This condition causes them to be trapped in the downward spiral of environmental degradation and poverty. Moreover, small-scale fisher-people can overcome this problem by developing self-governance common pool resources to conserve coral reef and increase their livelihood sustainability.]]>
<![CDATA[Cites and Domestic Economy in Indonesia: The Efforts of the Indonesian Government to Change The Lamakera Fishers’ Commodity in Implementing the 2013 CITES Convention ]]>
<![CDATA[Septiyana, Iyan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 7 No. 2 (2017): Health, Environment, and Sustainable Development ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[In 2012 researchers proposed a moratorium on international trade in the import and sale of the gills of Manta Rays. In the 2013 CITES conference in Bangkok, a convention to prohibit manta ray and shark hunting is agreed by 93 countries. Indonesia as the second sea fish producer affected by this policy, especially for the fishers in Lamakera, Solor Islands, East Nusa Tenggara. Since hundreds of years ago, the Lamakera fishers known as stingray and whale hunter, and stingrays species is their main economic commodity. Indonesia, as a part of CITES, is bound and must obey to the convention. Then, in 2014, the Indonesian government has issued a regulation banning manta rays. This paper will use the liberal institutional approach in describing how the Indonesian government tackles the issue of environment, implementing CITES conventions, and solve the economic problems of local people that involving diverse stakeholders.]]>
