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Journal of International Relations Studies
Published by Universitas Diponegoro
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Core Subject : Education,
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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Articles 609 Documents
Keterlibatan Indonesia Dalam Penyelesaian Konflik Muslim Moro di Filipina Tahun 1990-2013 Nugroho, Robby; Utama, Tri Cahya
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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The seeds of the Moro conflict in the Southern Philippines have emerged since the colonialm period. In 1990 the conflict escalated, so that many residents of the Southern Philippines, who are predominantly Muslim, founded resistance organizations. All of this is aimed at fighting or defending his rights against his own government. Therefore, the Moro people are considered by the Philippine government as a threat. The continuity of this conflict resulted in the instability of the Philippines and also affected the Philippines' relations with other countries. Indonesia, as a neighboring country and a region with the Philippines, has helped to resolve the conflict between the Philippine government and the MNLF. This study aims to analyze Indonesia’s involvement in resolving the Southern Philippines conflict. The analysis of this research uses the constructivist concept of identity with qualitative research methods that are descriptive and uses literature studies in data collection. The results of the study indicate that Indonesia's involvement in resolving the Southern Philippines conflict is based on reasons of geographical proximity and the similarity of Islamic religious identity.
Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Menjadikan Guatemala Sebagai Safe Third Country dalam Upaya Penanganan Arus Migrasi (2019-2020) Jamal, Cici Afriani; Windiani, Reni; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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The United States is the destination country for foreign migrants from countries in Central America. This resulted in a border crisis caused by an increase in the number of asylum seekers in the United States. So this is a threat to the national security of the United States. Therefore, the United States through its policy of making an asylum cooperation agreement with Guatemala to minimize the flow of migration coming from Central America by making Guatemala a Safe Third Country, where asylum seekers will be diverted to follow the procedural process related to permitting asylum claims in Guatemala as a Safe Third Country in order to minimize the increase in the number of foreign migrants in the United States. However, Guatemala is said to have not met the standards set as a Safe Third Country because it is a country that has high levels of violence, inequality, poverty, an inappropriate system and unstable domestic conditions. However, the United States has its own reasons for establishing Guatemala as a Safe Third Country. This study uses neoclassical realism theory with an analytical tool in the form of a multilevel approach. The author collects data using the literature study method through journals/articles, books, websites, and international news. This research is explanatory which aims to reveal “Why did the United States choose to implement a Safe Third Country system policy towards Guatemala?”. The results of this study are the reason the United States set the policy, namely because it prioritizes national security by carrying out a migration policy with countries that already have previous relationships and cooperation.
Peran Jaringan Advokasi Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) terhadap Konstruksi Wacana Anti Diskriminasi Ras dalam Industri Sepak Bola Eropa Riyanti, Anung; Putranti, Ika Riswanti; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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In recent years, transnational advocacy networks as actors in international relations have brought global action in an effort to construct global discourse on the issue of racism. The existence of global civil society in grassroots movements tends to be less seen as active in its involvement in international politics. This thesis aims to examine the role of the transnational advocacy network Football against Racism in Europe (FARE) in the football industry in Europe regarding its involvement in the construction of anti-racism discourse. FARE is a transnational advocacy network that accommodates anti-racism campaigns and social movements in European football to increase the influence of civil society advocacy in international politics. This research will be structured using the norm cycle theory in the constructivism paradigm which is arranged in qualitative explanative research through congruent analysis techniques. Constructivism provides an explanation of how a norm can emerge, spread, and be adopted through the norm cycle theory. FARE's anti racial discrimination discourse in the football industry in Europe will be analyzed based on the norm emerge, norm casade, and norm internalization as new elements from previous research. The hypothesis of this study is that the FARE transnational advocacy network succeeded in raising the idea of anti-racism in the international community, influencing the process of discourse construction within FIFA and UEFA in shaping policies, until these norms are internalized by clubs, countries and national football associations in Europe. The FARE movement shapes the function of global society and individuals who are involved in the FARE campaign as advocates in the form of solidarity support for marginalized voices for anti-racism human values in the football industry in Europe.
Pengaruh Filsafat Konfusianisme dalam Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Tiongkok Terhadap Isu Denuklirisasi Korea Utara Hidayatullah, Rachmat; Rosyidin, Mohamad; Hanura, Marten
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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This research provides to explain why did the Chinese Government change hisforeign policy to become more active towards North Korean denuclearization issue. Thisresearch also aims to describe the construction of Chinese foreign policy based on hisinside factors to explain the direction of Chinese foreign policy itself toward NorthKorean denuclearization. This research is using Constructivism Theory with CongruentMethod to analyze how Confucianism norms as an ancient Chinese philosophy can beinfluence on Chinese foreign policy toward this issue. The result of this research showthat the influence of Confucianism norms had been constructed to the China identity aspeace-loving country. In addition, the changing of Chinese foreign policy itself had beenseen as a positive image towards peace by the international community. The positiveimage can be used to bargain his position into international community. Based on thatresult, the changing of Chinese foreign policy can be seen from a different point of viewwhich is non-Grand IR theories and also recommend especially for IndonesiaGovernment to build a national image to show Indonesian values and norm.
Upaya Jepang dalam Melindungi Tenaga Kerja Asing Pada Technical Intern Training Program Fauzan, Muchammad Rizki; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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This study aims to find out how Japan's efforts to protect foreign workers from exploitation and human rights violations in the Technical Intern Training Program (TITP) employ foreign nationals according to the International Labor Organization convention due to a shortage of labor (hitodebusoku). Even though Japan has ratified the International Labor Organization (ILO) convention and does not allow exploitation through several laws, Japan has been criticized for the exploitation and human rights violations against foreign workers such as underpayment of wages, illegal overtime, forced repatriation to the country. origin, hazardous and unsanitary working conditions. This research was conducted using descriptive qualitative method through literature study based on Mitchell's compliance theory. The results of this study indicate that Japan has ratified the ILO and in writing supports anti-exploitation efforts through the Labor Standards Act no. 49 of 1947 concerning Wages reinforced the Minimum Wages Law no. 137 of 1959 and the Industrial Safety and Health Act no. 57 of 1972, Labor Standards Inspector 1997, providing protection for trainees through JITCO and transferring trainee skills through On Job Training (OJT) as well as priority efforts in the promotion, strengthening and implementation of ratified ILO regulations. The results of this study indicate the need for the Japanese government to tighten the rules and supervision of TITP by companies in order to reduce cases of exploitation and human rights violations against foreign workers due to company non-compliance.
Dampak Open-Door Policy Terhadap Peristiwa Krisis Diplomatik Tahun 2017 Hingga Keluarnya Dari OPEC Tahun 2018 Christanti, Naomi Febri; Rosyidin, Mohamad; Alfian, Muhammad Faizal
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

After Sheikh Tamim was elected as Emir in Qatar in 2013, the open-door policy underwent a change. Sheikh Tamim defines open-door policy as a progressive and independent movement. Progressively, Sheikh Tamim strongly criticized the diplomatic crisis in 2017 imposed by the Gulf countries. Then independently, Sheikh Tamim decided Qatar to leave OPEC in 2018. In the Sheikh Tamim era, Qatar will carry out policies that focus on efforts to increase economic income diversification through LNG development and improve Qatar's image in the international scope after the diplomatic crisis in 2017. Furthermore, this research will try to answer the research problem regarding to, "Why did Qatar change its open-door policy in 2017-2018 during the leadership of Sheikh Tamim?". This study aims to explain how Sheikh Tamim's background, ideas and beliefs influenced the change in open-door policy and its application in the diplomatic crisis until its withdrawal from OPEC in 2018. This research uses a desk research method with an explanative type. This study uses a leader driven change framework to see how changes in foreign policy are influenced by leaders who have the authority to determine a policy.
Analisis Kepentingan Sudan dalam Pembukaan Hubungan Diplomatik dengan Israel Tahun 2020 Soeryana, Larissa Amelinda; Windiani, Reni; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

Since it reached it’s Independence, for years, Sudan hasn’t only been active on sendingaids to Palestine and actively advocating Palestine’s independence on InternationalOrganizations, but also, Sudan made a regulation on boycotting Israel. At the year of2020, in all of a sudden, Sudan opened a diplomatic relation with Israel. This causedpeople to question because Sudan has been supporting Palestine for years and Israel isPalestine’s mortal enemy. This research is aiming to find the reasons behind Sudan’sdecision on opening a diplomatic relation with Israel. With the datas that are collectedfrom books and news, it’s found that not only that Sudan has been struggling domesticallysince it’s independence, but also since the separation of the North and South Sudan, it’sdomestic situation has only been going worse. In this position, Sudan’s only hope was toget help from other country, but this option is impossible to achieve because Sudan is stillin the US’s terrorist list. Based on the facts found, it can be concluded that the openingof the diplomatic relation between Sudan and Israel was based on Sudan’s rational wayof making decisions to achieve it’s national interest, which was to save and strive for it’scountry’s existance.
Upaya Kepatuhan Kerjasama Pemerintah Indonesia dengan Wildlife Conservation Society terhadap CITES terkait Isu Perdagangan Ilegal Trenggiling di Indonesia Wibowo, Beatrix Franscya Egidia Saraswati; Susiatiningsih, Hermini; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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The illegal trade in pangolins that occurs in Indonesia is one of the environmental issues that is a concern for the Government of Indonesia. This issue has a very high level of urgency where the pangolin population is decreasing due to the high number of illegal pangolin trades that occur in Indonesia. Seeing this, the Government of Indonesia is collaborating with one of the international non-governmental organizations, namely the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS). The collaboration started in 2009 and is based on an international regime, namely CITES. Through this collaboration, the Government of Indonesia and WCS have produced various implementations in the form of various work programs in accordance with the CITES Pangolin Resolution 17.10 policy. The purpose of this study is to analyze the implementation and compliance of the cooperation between the Government of Indonesia and WCS on CITES related to the issue of illegal trade in pangolins in Indonesia. This study will use Compliance Theory, Institutionalism Neoliberalism Theory, and International Regime Concepts. Based on the research conducted, the main argument of the author is that the cooperation between the Government of Indonesia and WCS complies with CITES. This form of compliance is demonstrated by the implementation and implementation of various work programs in accordance with the mandates in CITES Pangolin Resolution 17.10.
Analisis Determinan AS Dalam Penggunaan PMC Pada Perang Irak tahun 2003 Dhiaulhaq, Yusuf; Windiani, Reni; Alfian, Muhammad Faizal
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The phenomenon of the Iraq war in 2003 has given the impression of a major armed conflict between the United States and Iraq. What needs to be considered in this war is the involvement of private military companies (PMC) in the war. The US also used PMC services after the Iraq war ended where Iraq's internal conditions at that time were very unsafe and needed security guard. The United States uses PMC which provides various military services ranging from the distribution of weapons, exchange of war technology, provision of military forces, intelligence assistance, and so on. Therefore, this study seeks to explain the reasons and considerations when US decided to use PMC before and after the war by using the theory of determinants of foreign policy made by Alex Mintz. In this study, the authors collect data through books, journals, and websites related to the cases studied, namely the use of PMC by the US in Iraq. This study will explain the involvement of PMC in Iraq War, and the analysis from the determinants. The results obtained are several determinants of foreign policy that have a major influence on the US decision to use PMC in the conflict.
Perang Teknologi Amerika Serikat vs Tiongkok: Kebijakan Penolakan Teknologi 5G Huawei Tiongkok oleh Amerika Serikat Arinanda, Bayuaji Pradipta; Windiani, Reni; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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The technology war between the United States and China is a struggle for dominance in core global technology, one of which is the 5G Internet Network. This has resulted in an escalation of conflict between the United States as a great power and China due to China's policy of rejecting Huawei's 5G internet technology. Therefore, this study aims to determine the factors and explain the reasons for the United States Government's rejection of China's 5G Huawei technology, and to find out how the United States' strategy is in China's hegemony efforts in the economic aspect with global technological mastery. The theory used by the author to analyze this research is the theory of offensive realism by using five assumptions according to Mearsheimer. The result of this study is that the United States as a Great Power wants to aggressively dominate China through Huawei's 5G Internet rejection policy. This is because the United States can increase its power over the control of 5G Internet Technology and strengthen China's economy, as well as ensure the strengthening of the United States' capability in the distribution of power in the international structure