JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies)
The Journal of ASEAN Studies (JAS) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal that enriches understanding of the past, current, and future issues relevant to ASEAN and its circle of issues. The article shall address any research on theoretical and empirical questions about ASEAN. The Topics addressed within the journal include: diplomacy, political economy, trade, national development, security, geopolitics, social change, transnational movement, environment, law, business and industry, and other various related sub-fields. JAS expects the articles encourage debate, controversy, new understanding, solid theory, and reflection on ASEAN. The articles sent should have a sharp analysis and rigorous methodologies quantitative or qualitative as well as written in an engaging and analytical style. The JAS does publish original research, reviewing research, book review, opinion pieces of current affairs. However JAS does not publish journalistic or investigative style of article. The JAS would not be responsible for any implied or written statements of articles published. Each author would be responsible for their own writing.
Articles
259 Documents
<![CDATA[Journalism in the Age of Digital Autocracy: A Comparative ASEAN Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Aim Sinpeng]]>;
<![CDATA[Youngjoon Koh]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 10 No. 2 (2022): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v10i2.9162
<![CDATA[Cyber authoritarianism is on the rise globally. Governments around the world are seeking innovative ways to monitor, surveil, censor and persecute government critics, activists and journalists. Southeast Asia is an especially hostile environment for journalism online: its governments have regularly investigated, arrested and convicted ordinary citizens for their online activities. The region also remains one of the most dangerous places for journalists in the world. This raises the question of if and how news organisations survive and thrive in this increasingly repressive environment. The study draws on original survey and interview datasets of 52 digital news organisations in Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines and Thailand conducted as part of the 2021 Inflection Point International project on digital media entrepreneurship in Latin America, Southeast Asia and Africa. We argue that digital news organisations in Southeast Asia continue to report and investigate politically and socially sensitive issues despite the high risks for state repression. They are motivated by their belief in providing public good and supporting civic engagement. The findings in this study provide concrete empirical evidence that digital authoritarianism does not exert downward pressure on critical journalism.]]>
<![CDATA[Beyond the Crisis: Re-energizing Southeast Asian Studies ]]>
<![CDATA[Andrew Rosser]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 10 No. 2 (2022): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v10i2.9350
<![CDATA[This article examines the main drivers of the fiscal crisis in Asian/Southeast Asian Studies and considers ways of overcoming or at least ameliorating it. In the Australian context, several leading scholars in Asian Studies have called for various new forms of strategic state financial support to help keep the field alive, including incentives and structural support for Asian languages at both school and university levels and priority in publicly-funded research grant schemes. However, re-energizing Asian Studies in fiscal terms will undoubtedly require efforts to make the field more appealing to prospective students because of the prevalence of higher education funding models in which money follows student enrollments. This will particularly be the case with Southeast Asian Studies, given the weakness of enrollments in this sub-field. In this respect, there may be some value in seeking to create new education pathways in Asian Studies that focus on cross-national issues and problems within the region as an alternative to the traditional country-focused area studies approach]]>
<![CDATA[“Local Food” Consumption: Does Locality Matter? ]]>
<![CDATA[Agustina Multi Purnomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Gumilar Rusliwa Somantri]]>;
<![CDATA[Ricardi S. Adnan]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.7537
<![CDATA[The research examined the possibility of food being socialized as local food to replace local food’s role in food tourism. Food was one of the major attractions during a vacancy in ASEAN. The study of food in tourism rarely considered local food diversity in urban areas. The research addressed the other type of local food that is typical city food. In this case, there is no connection between the food and culture, traditions, history, or place, but the food is socialized as being indigenous. The local food consumption model was used to test whether the factors that affect tourists' local food consumption apply equally to foods socialized as local food. The research compared domestic tourist local food consumption factors in two food categories. 640 domestic tourists in a developed culinary tourism city in the Jakarta Metropolitan Area participated in this online survey. The comparative test of tourist characteristics found gender, the purpose of visit, age, and status of visit tourist characteristics associated with the food choice. The physical environment, exiting experience, and authentic experience were the motivational factors that differed between two food categories. It is possible that socialized foods will replace local food. The food locality did not always a matter. The results provide an overview of the position of local food in urban tourism. This has been considered the main attraction of food tourism in ASEAN countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Impact of Pluri-Lateral Free Trade Agreements on Innovation: Example of ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Robert Smith]]>;
<![CDATA[Nucharee Smith]]>;
<![CDATA[Mark Perry]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.7975
<![CDATA[Innovation has been identified as a critical indicator for an economy to succeed in the fourth industrial revolution. Historically, some members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have been better known for violation of intellectual rights rather than their protection. However, this is changing as their economies develop and they have been better integrated into the global economy. Integration has been facilitated by their membership of the World Trade Organization and bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between individual states and their trading parties. ASEAN has entered into plurilateral FTAs with some of its trade partners. A key element of these plurilateral FTAs is that most dedicate a Chapter on the protection of intellectual property rights. These clauses have two essential elements. Firstly, they set out the obligations of the parties to protect intellectual property rights and their commitment to seek membership of intellectual property treaties. Secondly, the parties undertake to assist the lesser developed members with improving their processes and procedures so that they can accede to appropriate treaties. The research analysed the impact of these multilateral FTAs on the protection of patents and marks by the individual ASEAN members.]]>
<![CDATA[Going Back with Glee: A Case Study of Indonesian Migrant Workers Engaging in Circular Migration ]]>
<![CDATA[Erna Setijaningrum]]>;
<![CDATA[Asiyah Kassim]]>;
<![CDATA[Rochyati Triana]]>;
<![CDATA[Reza Dzulfikri]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.8610
<![CDATA[Driven by a wide range of social and cultural forces, circular migration has become a prominent phenomenon in the contemporary world, and it is especially common among Indonesian migrant workers. The research delved into what pushes Indonesian migrant workers to going back to host countries for employment after returning to their home country. A case study approach was employed by which a total of 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Indonesian migrant workers from Blitar, Malang, Ponorogo, and Tulungagung in East Java, Indonesia. The research reveals that non-monetary incentives such as supportive and amicable workplace environments, including the possibility of career advancements and adequate accommodations, as well as productive and family-oriented communities, act as important motivators for Indonesian migrant workers to go back to host countries. Furthermore, the research adds to the widening topography of migration studies by which it provides a broader picture in painting the “human” rationality behind circular migration in Global South.]]>
<![CDATA[Agenda Setting within ASEAN: Thickening, Broadening, and Breaking Pressures ]]>
<![CDATA[Ryan Ashley]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.9035
<![CDATA[The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a clear example of an “organized anarchy” within agenda setting literature; meaning that ASEAN has problematic preferences due to its multiple conflicting goals, relies on unclear methods to accomplish those goals, and experiences fluid participation of its members and leaders. This leaves the organization a case study in the path dependency of norms, as ASEAN typically defaults to its founding principles of non-interference, economic inter-connectivity, and regional “centrality” during crises. The research question was on the examples of variation when ASEAN broadens the scope of its mission. The research aimed to answer by framing ASEAN as a subsystem of Southeast Asian regionalism and conducting a comparative historical analysis of three case study periods: the creation of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the failure to reach a joint communique in 2012 over tensions in the South China Sea, and the ongoing crisis of human rights and governance in Myanmar. The case studies demonstrate that the most effective broadening forces for ASEAN are exogenous. The conclusion argues that this is a problematic status quo for a regional organization that seeks to promote its centrality to counter interference from outside powers.]]>
<![CDATA[Institutional Dynamics of Halal Tourism Development in Indonesia and Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Musthofa, Budiman Mahmud]]>;
<![CDATA[Pranita, Diaz]]>;
<![CDATA[Rasul, Mohamad Sattar]]>;
<![CDATA[Haidlir, Banu Muhammad]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.9431
<![CDATA[In the context of Southeast Asia, Muslim-majority nations Indonesia and Malaysia had pioneered the development of halal tourism. Nevertheless, Malaysia has outperformed Indonesia in cultivating its halal tourism industry. The research sought to investigate the political economy factors contributing to this discrepancy. The research posited that the emergence of Islamic identity, the intensification of Islam’s politicization, and the varying degrees of capitalizing on Islamic values are three crucial determinants influencing the relative success of Malaysia’s halal tourism industry compared to Indonesia’s. Firstly, the perception of Islamic identity in Malaysia is less threatening compared to that in Indonesia. Secondly, the politicization of Islam is less pronounced in Malaysia than in Indonesia. To examine these assertions, the research utilized a methodological blend of primary and secondary data, incorporating interviews with policymakers and stakeholders of halal tourism in both countries. In addition to identifying the critical factors shaping the development of halal tourism, the research contributed by offering several recommendations concerning the innovative aspect of halal tourism branding. It was argued that within the growth of halal tourism in a nation, debates surrounding the emergence of Islamic identity in aspects of halal tourism can potentially obstruct the advancement of cultural tourism commodities. Consequently, the research enhances our understanding of the complex interplay between political economy factors and the evolution of halal tourism from an academic perspective.]]>
<![CDATA[The Characteristics of Indonesian Digital Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Albert Triwibowo]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.8525
<![CDATA[Digital diplomacy has gained momentum in recent years, especially when the COVID-19 pandemic occurred in 2020. The popularity of digital diplomacy lied in its characteristics where it offered more access to information, dialogic communication as well as transparency in diplomacy as had been implemented by many developed countries. However, recent studies have not focused yet on digital diplomacy implementation by non-developed countries. The research aimed to address the gap, by offering an analysis of the characteristics of and how Indonesia has implemented digital diplomacy. As every country had developed their respective path towards digitalisation and every Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) has its own evolution of digital diplomacy, each of which has its own characteristics in implementing digital diplomacy. The research focused on the characteristics of a country which has implemented digital diplomacy. Thus, the research tried to examine the characteristics of Indonesia’s digital diplomacy. The research argued that Indonesia’s digital diplomacy initiatives are based on a limited understanding of digital diplomacy, are sporadically pursued, and are based on an ad hoc basis. The domestic public’s interest in international issues further encourages the implementation of digital instruments. The research covered three main issues, namely the COVID-19 pandemic, the issue of palm oil, and the Rohingya crisis to establish the characteristics of Indonesian digital diplomacy. The qualitative research used primary sources in the form of interviews with Indonesian diplomats and key researchers. Furthermore, secondary sources related to Indonesia’s digital diplomacy are also used to support the research.]]>
<![CDATA[A “Matter of Life and Death”? Patterns of Securitisation and Desecuritisation of Food Resilience in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.9143
<![CDATA[Food self-sufficiency had been a perennial quest for Indonesian administrations. The research explored two questions. First, how have political leaders securitised the self-sufficiency narrative? Second, is the securitisation of food justified? This research examined the “self-sufficiency” narrative across Indonesian governments and charts the patterns in its securitisation and de-securitisation through the lens of just securitisation theory. The research made two arguments. First, the securitisation of food in Indonesia has not always been for the benefit of the nation, but instead, the political elite. The second argument is the securitisation of food in Indonesia is not always justified, and therefore, necessitates further review of policies related to food security. The findings show that the securitisation of food in general to be unjustified. Therefore, the de-securitising food security and returning it to the realm of normal politics should be the immediate goal for Indonesian administrations, in addition to formulating alternative policies not grounded in the self-sufficiency narrative.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Strategic Narrative on the New Dynamics of Great Power Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific ]]>
<![CDATA[Budi Riyanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Darmansjah Djumala]]>;
<![CDATA[Youzhi Tan]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v11i1.9406
<![CDATA[Given the rising political tensions between the two great powers, the United States (U.S.) and the People's Republic of China (PRC), a geopolitical shift to the Indo-Pacific region is critical momment in the 21st century. Ideological, economic, military and technological aspects of this new struggle appear to be sharpening. In the current geopolitical change in the Indo-Pacific, two concerns that have not received much attention are addressed in the research, namely the importance of strategic narrative competition in the global information era and the part played by Indonesia in terms of its strategic narratives as a nation in the center of Indo-Pacific geopolitics. By focusing on the interaction of each actor in projecting a story about the order in the new world system, encouraging actors to adapt to their identities and roles in the story, and enacting policies that are in line with their interests, strategic narrative studies have the potential to explore geopolitical issues more thoroughly. Indonesia positions itself actively in a strategic narrative construction that can compete, and create a strategic role that can be played in accordance with its interests rather than playing a passive role and only becoming a victim in the face of the strategic narrative contestation among the great powers. The strategic narrative of Indonesia as it relates to identity, policy, and system is specifically examined in the research. It also examines the role that Indonesia plays in the formulation and projection of the narratives, as well as how the narratives are received in the context of the emerging Indo-Pacific's geopolitical struggle. As a middle power, Indonesia offers a shared strategic narrative that promotes a goal of greater cooperation, hence reducing great power rivalry.]]>
