Jurnal Ilmiah HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
JIHI can be a reference and literature source for academician in International Relations area as it consists of articles and research reports on International Relations Issues. Articles and research reports are written by academics who is the expert on its field like Security Studies, International Political Economy, Regime, International Organization, Gender and International Relations, Diplomacy, Media and International Relations, etc.
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302 Documents
<![CDATA[ASEAN Political Security Community (APSC) on Counter-terrorism: Roles and Obstacles ]]>
<![CDATA[Faruq Arjuna Hendroy]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i2.2982.163-174
<![CDATA[Terrorism issue has been transforming into a worldwide concern. Southeast Asia is undoubtedly currently facing the similar issue. During Afghan war, Southeast Asia might be only known as “the exporters” of foreign militants to Afghanistan’s conflict zone. Going into the 21st century, Southeast Asia has, in turn, become the home base for terrorism itself to grow. Thus, ASEAN, as a regional body which shades Southeast Asia member states, responded to its emergence. ASEAN regarded terrorism a huge threat and paid extremely high attention to it through the release of ASEAN Convention on Counter Terrorism (ACCT). Moreover, ASEAN enhanced its commitment as regional body by composing one pillar of cooperation in security called ASEAN Political Security Community (APSC). APSC helps to drive all ASEAN member states to commit onto ACCT by proceeding to the full ratification by each member state and applying the effective implementation in dealing with the issue. This paper examines APSC’s role in combating terrorism within region and discusses its obstacles in implementing ACCT.Keywords: ASEAN; ASEAN Political Security Community; Terrorism; ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism; Non-Interference]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Tiongkok pada Masa Pemerintahan Xi Jinping ]]>
<![CDATA[Syaiful Anam]]>;
<![CDATA[Ristiyani Ristiyani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i2.2842.217-236
<![CDATA[Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) merupakan salah satu kebijakan ambisius yang dikeluarkan Tiongkok pada masa pemerintahan Xi Jinping. BRI mencakup dua aspek yaitu the Silk Road Economic Belt dan the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. BRI merupakan proyek raksasa yang dikeluarkan Tiongkok pada masa pemerintahan Xi Jinping karena mencakup 2/3 populasi global dan 3/4 sumber energi. Tulisan ini berusaha menjawab pertanyaan tentang mengapa Tiongkok mengeluarkan kebijakan BRI dengan menggunakan perspektif neorealisme yang terdiri dari konsep kepentingan nasional, balance of power, dan hegemonic stability. Hasil temuan dalam tulisan ini terbagi ke dalam 3 alasan, yaitu (1) kepentingan Tiongkok untuk mengamankan jalur pasokan energi ke Timur Tengah dan Asia Tengah lewat kerjasama dengan negara-negara di Asia Selatan, (2) ambisi Tiongkok mengambil alih peran kepemimpinan di kawasan Asia lewat perebutan pembiayaan proyek kereta cepat dengan Jepang, (3) Tiongkok berusaha menantang hegemoni AS baik itu di bidang keamanan maupun ekonomi. Tulisan ini selanjutnya diharapkan dapat dijadikan sebagai bahan komparatif bagi penelitian sejenis dan menjadi sumbangan pemikiran bagi pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan. Kata Kunci: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); Tiongkok; Kepentingan Nasional; Kepemimpinan; Hegemoni]]>
<![CDATA[Konstruksi Identitas dalam Kepentingan Maritim Tiongkok terkait Peningkatan Kekuatan People Liberation Army Navy (PLA Navy) ]]>
<![CDATA[Angga Nurdin Rachmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i2.2963.149-162
<![CDATA[Modernisasi militer yang dilakukan oleh Tiongkok menunjukan perkembangan yang sangat signifikan dengan menitikberatkan pada matra Angkatan Laut (People Liberation Army Navy/ PLA Navy). Modernisasi yang dilakukan tidak hanya dilihat dari sisi kuantitas namun juga kualitas melalui serangkaian akuisisi dan pembangunan kapal perang, kapal selam hingga kapal induk. Fenomena tersebut menunjukan bahwa Tiongkok saat ini memiliki perhatian lebih pada wilayah maritim dengan ambisi membangun Angkatan Laut yang tangguh dan modern. Meskipun jika dilihat secara geografis Tiongkok merupakan negara kontinental yang seharusnya menitikberatkan pada kemampuan matra darat, namun saat ini terjadi perubahan dalam orientasi pertahanan negara ini. Perubahan ini tidak dapat dilepaskan dari upaya Tiongkok mengubah identitas negaranya dari negara kontinental menjadi negara maritim. Beranjak dari perubahan tersebut, artikel ini akan membahas mengenai konstruksi identitas maritim dari Republik Rakyat Tiongkok dalam rangka memperkuat kepentingan terhadap wilayah maritim. Konstruksi identitas Tiongkok dapat ditemukan pada evolusi dari doktrin dan perkembangan armada yang dimiliki oleh PLA Navy yang memiliki keterkaitan dengan munculnya kepentingan maritim diantaranya sebagai upaya balancing terhadap Amerika Serikat di Pasifik, mengamankan jalur distribusi energi serta menjaga integritas teritorial. Kata-kata Kunci: Tiongkok, Maritim, Identitas, Kepentingan, PLA Navy]]>
<![CDATA[The Effort of Immigrant for Survival in a New Country, Study Case: Russia ]]>
<![CDATA[Juniar Laraswanda Umagapi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i2.2812.175-187
<![CDATA[In this essay presents a critical understanding about immigrant way of living in a new country. Russia as a country with the big geographical aspect that also become a house for immigrant have their own special way to handle the immigrant. How the immigrant can socialize with the new environment and the issue facing for them as the newcomer in one society, how they get a proper job and how the culture difference influences their daily life will get analysed in this paper. This research is conducted in Russia and use a qualitative research method such as interviewing, data analysis, graph, table, book, journal, article, newspaper and news to answer the research question. This research will give the contribution how the issue of immigrant influences the life of native people, how they contribute to the society and how the Russian government policy dealt with the negative stereotype about immigrant in Russia then how we would help immigrants thrive, these are the question that this research will help to answer. Keywords: Immigrant, Russia, culture difference, thrive, Russian government]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Konflik Tiongkok dan Tibet: Studi Kasus Pendudukan Wilayah Tibet oleh Tiongkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Nabhan Aiqani Aiqani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i2.2990.189-201
<![CDATA[Konflik antara China dan Tibet merupakan konflik bersejarah. Dua wilayah tersebut telah berkonfrontasi dalam jangka waktu yang lama. Tibet kukuh dengan pendirian untuk menjadi negara merdeka. Sementara, China selalu menggunakan kekuatan militer atau kekerasan untuk meredam aksi penolakan dan upaya-upaya merebut kemerdekaan yang dilakukan oleh Tibet. Sehingga untuk menganalisis hal tersebut, penulis menggunakan beberapa indikator terwujudnya perdamaian demokratis, Pertama, keterhubungan dalam satu lembaga atau organisasi internasional. Kedua, Kedekatan secara geografis. Ketiga, adanya satu aliansi.Keempat, Distribusi dan alokasi sumberdaya yang merata. Kelima, Stabilitas politik yang terjamin. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa hampir semua indikator tersebut tidak terpenuhi dengan baik dalam relasi China dan Tibet. Relasi tersebut memperlihatkan adanya kesenjangan yang lebar antara China dan Tibet. Sehingga atas dasar ini konflik sukar untuk dihentikan. Kata Kunci: China, Tibet, Teori Perdamaian Demokratis]]>
<![CDATA[Eliminating Violence against Women in Pacific through Multi-Track Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Sherly Mega Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Elisabeth Adyiningtyas Satya Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i2.2986.203-215
<![CDATA[Humanitarian issue that often raised as a problem for developing countries, is often likely linked to gender issue. Having labeled as a region with the highest violence data prevalence, Pacific Islands countries possess assorted factors that tolerates the practice of gender dominance and discrimination amongst their societies. Responding this phenomenon, the governments in Pacific Islands countries are oftentimes receiving assistance from other international relations actors, in which one of them is UN Women. With the support from Australian government, this UN body assist numerous institutions from various level in making the effort to eliminate violence against women as the most protrude form of gender based discrimination in Pacific. Involvement of other parties from diverse groups indicates the relations between actors of Multi-Track Diplomacy with the program initiated by UN Women. Using theory of Multi-Track Diplomacy and concept of Gender-Based Violence, this research identifies the participation and contribution made by a total of nine tracks in responding to violence against women issue in the Pacific. Such response itself is one of the world peace endeavors, which is also the ultimate purpose of Multi-Track Diplomacy. Result of this response shaped in their participation and contribution within variety of programs under Pacific Fund. Keywords: Pacific, gender equality, foreign aids, Multi-Track Diplomacy, peacemaking.]]>
<![CDATA[Agama dan Pembangunan: Beragam Pandangan dalam Melihat Keberkaitan Agama terhadap Proses Pembangunan dan Modernisasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Anwar Firmansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i1.2966.1-12
<![CDATA[Introduksi mengenai modernisasi mulai mengalami reorientasi pasca pertengahan abad ke-20. Keterlibatan pengaruh agama dalam narasi pembangunan mulai dikesampingkan, bahkan diasumsikan bahwa pengaruhnya dalam proses pembangunan sebagai ancaman. Dalam narasi modern, agama lebih dipandang sebagai private matters, bukan sebagai public matters untuk diturutsertakan dalam kemaslahatan umum. Tulisan ini mencoba menelusuri kemungkinan terlibatnya agama dalam agenda pembangunan dengan dinamika keberagamaan di Indonesia sebagai sekop pembahasannya. Melalui pendekatan deskriptif dengan menggunakan data dari studi pustaka, Penulis mengambil pembahasan utama yang memaparkan tiga agama dengan kasus yang berbeda, diantaranya: Islam di Indonesia, Protestan dalam perspektif Max Weber, dan Era Tokugawa di Jepang, yang menjelaskan tentang proses dan agenda pembangunan sebagai hasil dari ide-ide agama. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan ide-ide agama dan spiritualitas dapat berkontribusi terhadap proses pembangunan apabila modernisasi dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang konstruktif bukan sebagai konflik, serta di dukung dengan nilai solidaritas dari Ummat. Kata Kunci: Agama, Pembangunan, Islam, Etika Protestan, Agama Tokugawa]]>
<![CDATA[The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA): its implications for Australia-United States relations ]]>
<![CDATA[Johni Robert Verianto Korwa]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i1.2981.41-53
<![CDATA[Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Militer Dalam Sistem Politik Myanmar Terhadap Diskriminasi Etnis Rohingya Pada Tahun 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza]]>;
<![CDATA[Bastian Andhony Toy]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i1.3117.27-39
<![CDATA[This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implementation of MDGs Program on Eradication of Extreme Poverty and Hunger in Indonesia (2009-2014) ]]>
<![CDATA[Syifa Zia Rahmah]]>;
<![CDATA[Grace Lestariana Wonoadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Achmad Zulfikar]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v15i1.2827.75-88
<![CDATA[The study of the implementation of Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) program in Indonesia aims to find out the background and significance of the program taken by the government under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009-2014 on the issue of eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. The problem of extreme poverty and hunger in Indonesia has not been solved comprehensively. Therefore, the government had to provide the right program to end poverty. The research based on the qualitative method, which uses official reports, literature review and news articles as the sources. The result showed that the programs of eradication extreme poverty and hunger in 2009-2014 had been revised became three clusters. The first cluster aims to help and protects the social family guarantee and to assure the basic needs. The second cluster is the eradication of poverty and hunger through the social assistance program. The third cluster was focusing on eradication of poverty and hunger in term of economic matter. The government used the indicators by UNDP, as the base of the decision-making process, but also used the real condition of poor people in Indonesia as the main consideration. ]]>
