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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Arjuna Subject : Seni dan Humaniora - Studi Agama
Articles 1,223 Documents
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The Politics of Benevolence: Political Patronage of Party-Based Charitable Organizations in Contemporary Indonesian Islam Latief, Hilman
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 2 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.512.337-363

Abstract

The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The close ties between charitable organizations and political parties may lead to the new patterns of Muslim social and political activism, and to the new forms of political clientelism. This article analyzes the vibrant effort of political parties in sponsoring the inception and operation of Islamic charitable organizations in the post New Order era, and investigates how political clientelism has been established through charity practices. This paper compares the roles of charitable organizations set up by the nationalist and Islamist parties in formulating strategies to promote their political interest. Based on three political parties studied in this article, which are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Golkar Party, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), this paper argues that the practice of charity has become a popular way used by politicians to patronize their constituents, but at the same time, this practice has weakened the Muslim perspective of development and social change. [Munculnya lembaga-lembaga amal yang dikelola oleh partai politik berpengaruh luas terhadap aktifitas filantropi di Indonesia dan memicu perdebatan seputar politik-kedermawanan. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, selaras dengan semakin meningkatnya pengaruh Islam dalam lanskap politik Indonesia, partai-partai politik juga berlomba-lomba untuk terlibat aktif dalam aktifitas filantropi dengan mendirikan lembaga amal. Ikatan kuat antara partai politik dan lembaga amal tersebut tentu berpotensi melahirkan pola aktivisme sosial-politik Islam dan bentuk baru clientisme-politik. Artikel ini akan mengulas upaya keras partai politik dalam mendirikan dan mengendalikan lembaga-lembaga amal pasca Orde Baru dan menjelaskan bagaimana clientisme dapat terbentuk melalui aktifitas amal. Artikel ini akan membandingkan peran lembaga-lembaga amal yang didirikan oleh partai politik nasionalis dan Islam dalam menyusun strategi untuk menyukseskan agenda politik mereka. Dengan menganalisis tiga partai politik, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan/PDI-P, dan Golongan Karya/Golkar, penulis berargumen bahwa aktifitas amal semakin populer di kalangan politisi sebagai cara menarik simpati konstituen, tetapi pada saat yang sama, praktik tersebut semakin memperlemah cara pandang umat Islam mengenai pembangunan dan perubahan sosial.]
Book Review: Beberapa Tema Reformasi dalam Islam Syamsuddin, Sahiron
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 2 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.442.486-495

Abstract

Buku yang akan diperkenalkan kepada pembaca ini merupakan kumpulan artikel yang memaparkan secara singkat biografi dan pokok-pokok pikiran beberapa pemikir reformis Muslim kontemporer, baik dari kalangan konservatif maupun liberal, dari beberapa negara. Meskipun hanya merupakan preliminary research, buku ini menyajikan informasi-informasi yang sangat menarik dan segar dan tentunya sangat bermanfaat bagi para pembaca yang ingin melakukan penelitian lebih mendalam tentang pemikiran tokoh-tokoh yang disebutkan dalam buku ini. Memuat 19 artikel, buku ini dibagi ke dalam 5 tema besar, yakin (1) wajah Islam di Eropa, (2) konsep demokrasi religius, (3) ruang gerak reformasi syariat, (4) pemahaman rasional terhadap al-Quran, dan (5) aktivisme Islam dalam hal pembelaan terhadap hak asasi manusia dan hak kaum wanita.
The Education of Indonesian Shi‘i Leaders Zulkifli, Z.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 47, No 2 (2009)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2009.472.231-267

Abstract

Amidst the Sunni majority in Indonesia, there exist a small number of Shi`i adherents that have increased quantitatively and qualitatively since the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979. To see the Shi`i community as a monolithic entity is misleading. In fact, this community is comprised of several groups that may not be united under a recognised single leader. Leadership in a community results partly from education, although the degree and extent of its influence remain questionable. In this regard, this article aims at analysing the education of Shi`i leaders in Indonesia. What types of education did they experience? In terms of education backgrounds, Shi`i leaders may be classified into the ustadhs and intellectuals. The ustadhs are those educated in institutions of Islamic learning and the majority are alumni of hawza ‘ilmiyya (colleges of Islamic learning) in Qum, Iran. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic  of Iran in 1979, the number of Indonesian students studying in Qum has increased significantly and the hawza ‘ilmiyya of Qum have been very important in producing the Shi`i ustadh in Indonesia. On the other hand, the intellectuals are those who have graduated from secular universities but received religious instruction in non-formal education institutions. Although education is an important factor contributing to leadership, other factors have to be considered such as scholarship in religious sciences, involvement in da‘wa and education activities, leadership experience in education and socio-religious institutions, as the case of Jalaluddin Rakhmat has shown.
The Political Identity of Ulama in the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Election Winarti, Leni
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.257-269

Abstract

The Indonesian presidential election of 2014 was possibly the most exciting, lively, intriguing, emotional, and brutish in the history of presidential elections since reformation in 1998. This paper explores the relationship between the political identities of ulama and their political views in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. It  argues that their political endorsement of presidential candidates is not based on interest but on their political identity. By using constructivist ideas about identity, ulama’s political identities are constantly changing and influenced by factors beyond identity. This idea also emphasizes that identity is created and subjective. Transformation of the political identities of ulama is a way of showing their existence in the period since Indonesian independence in 1945. This paper explores how the political identities expressed by ulama influenced voters in the recent presidential election. How did their political identity affect both the kinds of political measures they took and their support for one of the president candidates? Did the ulama play a substantial political role in election of President Joko Widodo, or were there other factors? Is their political identity the salient factor in their support for either Prabowo Subianto or Joko Widodo? [Pemilu presiden tahun 2014 memang sangat menarik, hidup, penuh emosi, bahkan penuh intrik, jika dibandingkan dengan sebelumnya sejak 1998. Paper ini meneliti hubungan politik identitas yang dibawa oleh ulama dan pandangan politiknya pada pemilihan presiden Indonesia tahun 2014. Paper ini menemukan bahwa pandangan mereka tentang calon presiden tidak sertamerta menyangkut kepentingan politik, tetapi lebih pada politik identitas. Politik identitas para ulama terus berubah dan dipengaruhi oleh banyak hal di luar identitas tersebut. Ini juga menegaskan bahwa identitas itu ciptaan dan sekaligus subjektif. Transformasi politik identitas para ulama merupakan cara mereka menampakkan keberadaannya, bahkan sejak masa kemerdekaan 1945. Paper ini meneliti politik identitas yang ditampakkan para ulama yang mempengaruhi para pemilih dalam pemilu presiden. Bagaimana politik identitas itu berpengaruh pada politik dan pilihan serta dukungan presiden? Apakah ulama memainkan sesuatu dalam proses terpilihnya Presiden Joko Widodo, atau adakah faktor lain? Apakah hanya identitas yang menjadi satu-satunya faktor  untuk mendukung Prabowo Subianto atau Joko Widodo?]
Editorial: From Radicalism to Minority Issues
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.ix-x

Abstract

This edition presents contemporary themes around Islam and Muslims in Indonesia from the issues of radicalism, online media, a Dutch scholar during colonial era, women’s resistance to shariatization, local practice of Islamic sufism, minority group, to broader theme of the relation of religion and science. To begin with, James Adam Fenton sheds light on the way in which Indonesian society has responded to radical ideology. He argues that dialogue in open society with democratic spirit helps the society to disengage from radicalism.
Salahuddin Wahid and the Defence of Minority Rights in Contemporary Indonesia Widiyanto, Asfa
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.271-307

Abstract

This paper discussed the role and authority of Salahuddin Wahid, a prominent muslim scholar, who actively promotes the minority rights in modern-day Indonesia. His credentials as a traditional ulama coming from the tradition of a pesantren allow him to become an authority in Islamic matters. Salahuddin’s recognition as muslim scholar is in some ways observable from his responses to religious questions posed by the people, either directly or through social media. A general observation of Salahuddin’s Twitter account will allows us to realize that he also represent an authority in “cyber-Islam”. He felt the growing importance of social media, as well as the necessity to promote inclusive religiosity and the respect of minority rights through social media, accordingly he actively promotes his ideas through social media most particularly Twitter. Some issues have been discussed to overview Salahuddin’s ideas to best promote minority rights. His activism can be felt most notably in the following issues: ethnic minorities, women’s rights, religious minorities, diminishing the violence against the Ahmadiyya, and the marriage of religious minorities.[Paper ini membincangkan peran dan otoritas Salahuddin Wahid, seorang intelektual muslim terkemuka yang aktif mempromosikan hak-hak kelompok minoritas di Indonesia. Karisma yang dimilikinya sebagai seorang ulama yang berasal dari kalangan pesantren tradisional memberinya sebuah otoritas dalam berbagai aspek ajaran Islam. Keulamaannya dalam batas tertentu dapat ditelusuri lewat respons yang diberikan atas pertanyaan masyarakat yang diajukan kepadanya, baik secara langsung maupun lewat sosial media. Pengamatan umum terhadap akun Twitter Salahuddin Wahid sekaligus menunjukkan otoritasnya di dunia maya. Dia sadar betul pentingnya sosial media sebagaimana pentingnya mempromosikan keberagamaan inklusif dan penghormatan terhadap hak-hak kelompok minoritas. Karenanya, dia aktif menyuarakan pendapatnya lewat sosial media, khususnya Twitter. Beberapa masalah didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini untuk melihat secara umum pemikiran Salahuddin Wahid terkait dengan hak-hak kelompok minoritas: minoritas etnis, minoritas agama, hak-hak perempuan, kekerasan terhadap Ahmadiyyah, dan pernikahan antar agama.]
The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahid’s Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemen’s agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomo’s idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]
The Apprehensions of Traditional Ulama towards Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria Ibrahim, Adebayo Rafiu
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.331-350

Abstract

Throughout the political history of Islam, women played significant political roles in the affairs of muslim states. This, however, has not been the situation in Nigeria where muslim women are skeptical about their involvement in politics, seeing it as an exclusively male domain. This has been so probably because of the voice of ulama against women’s participation in politics or the general belief that politics is a dirty game which is not meant for women. The big question then is why do Nigerian ulama resist women’s involvement in politics? Further, would muslims not stand the risk of losing their political potentiality should they remain indifferent to political participation by women? And, how do female muslim elites who have a flair for politics feel about their lack of political voice: would this not affect their spiritual or religious interests in the long run? This paper explores Islamic political history for the purpose of discovering the extent of muslim women’s involvement in politics, and the reasons for the non-involvement of muslim women in the nation’s politics from the viewpoint of the traditional ulama in the country. [Sepanjang sejarah Islam, wanita memainkan peran penting dalam politik di banyak negara muslim. Namun, hal ini tidak terjadi di Nigeria, karena wanitanya ragu terhadap peran mereka di kancah politik yang memang didominasi oleh para lelaki. Ini terjadi karena ulama menentang keterlibatan wanita di politik serta pandangan bahwa politik itu kotor dan tidak sesuai untuk wanita. Pertanyaannya kenapa para ulama menentang wanita berpolitik? Lalu, apakah mereka tidak rugi secara politis jika tidak peduli dengan partisipasi wanita? Bagaimana juga para wanita muslim itu tidak merasa kurang bersuara dalam politik: apakah ini tidak mempengaruhi spiritualitas dan kepentingan jangka panjang? Paper ini meneliti sejarah politik Islam terkait dengan peran wanita di politik, juga alasan kenapa mereka tidak terlibat menurut kaum ulama tradisional di Nigeria.]
When Ulama Support A Pop Singer: Fatin Sidqiah and Islamic Pop Culture in Post-Suharto Indonesia Akmaliah, Wahyudi
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.351-373

Abstract

Television, music videos, films, and pop bands are all part of global popular culture and thought to be the product of “the west”. These media are therefore often seen as a threat to the identities of nationalities, local cultures, and religious groups. In contrast, in the context of Indonesian Muslims, the Indonesian Ulama Council’s (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) showed support for Fatin Shidqia Lubis to the singing contest of Indonesian X Factor, 2013. This paper intends to study the presence of Fatin Sidqiah as the winner of Indonesian X Factor and the response of Indonesian muslims regarding Islamic popular culture in Indonesia. This paper argues that the presence of Islamic popular culture in Indonesia through books, novels, films, as well as fashion, show that Indonesian Islam and muslims are compatible not only with democracy but also with global popular culture. In addition, the presence of Fatin is a symbol of young Indonesian muslims who already connect globally. Whatever they consume in terms of popular culture is intrinsic to the creation of their hybrid identities, as both Indonesian muslims and global citizens.[Televisi, musik, film, dan bands merupakan bagian dari budaya popular dunia dan selalu dipandang sebagai produk “barat”. Karenanya, media ini sering dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi identitas nasional, budaya lokal, dan kelompok agama. Namun, dalam konteks keindonesiaan, Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) memberikan dukungan kepada Fatin Sidqia Lubis dalam kompetisi menyanyi “Indonesian X Factor” Tahun 2013. Tulisan ini mencoba menelisik kemunculan Fatin sebagai pemenang “Indonesian X Factor” dan tanggapan masyarakat mengenai budaya pop Islam di Indonesia. Melalui artikel ini penulis berpendapat bahwa kehadiran budaya pop di Indonesia dalam berbagai buku, novel, film, serta pakaian menunjukkan bahwa Islam dan masyarakat Islam di Indonesia tidak hanya sejalan dengan demokrasi, tetapi juga dengan budaya pop dunia. Lebih dari itu, Fatin adalah simbol muslim muda Indonesia yang telah terhubung dengan dunia. Apa pun yang mereka nikmati dalam hal budaya pop telah menciptakan identitas ganda: sebagai muslim Indonesia sekaligus sebagai warga dunia.]
Religion for Revolution: Shifting Perceptions of Bodily Ritual in the Lebanese Shi‘a Community Dodd, Savannah Danielle
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.375-389

Abstract

This paper applies Cartesian and Weberian theories of rationalization and Leslie Sharp’s concept of bodily commodification to the transition in the observance of Ashura from practices of bodily mortification to blood donation among the Shi‘a community in Lebanon. The author argues that this shift politicizes salvation and sacralises revolution through a process of rationalization, made possible through the invocation of the Karbala Paradigm, in order to facilitate the commodification of blood for political activism. This shift in ritual practice for the commodification of blood has occurred as a result of three key transitions: (i) from body/self-unity to body/self-dualism; (ii) from salvation in the next world to salvation in this world; and (iii) from personal salvation to societal salvation.[Dengan merujuk teori rasionalisasi model Descartes dan Weber serta konsep komodifikasi tubuh dari Leslie Sharp, tulisan ini menelusur pergeseran yang terjadi pada ritual Ashura dari praktik melukai diri menjadi kegiatan donor darah di kalangan Syiah di Lebanon. Proses ini, menurut penulis, telah mengubah konsep penyelamatan dan revolusi sakral melalui proses rasionali­sasi. Hal ini terjadi dengan memakai Paradigma Karbala sebagai media komodifikasi darah untuk aktivisme politik. Pergeseran komodifikasi darah dalam praktik ritual ini terjadi melalui tiga transisi utama: (i) dari kesatuan diri menjadi dualisme diri; (ii) dari keselamatan akhirat menjadi keselamatan dunia; dan (iii) dari penyelamatan pribadi menjadi penyelamatan sosial].

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