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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Articles 1,223 Documents
Islamic Ethical Investment as Mechanism to Mitigate Agency Conflict: An Empirical Study in Indonesian Stock Exchange Hanafi, Syafiq M.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.189-216

Abstract

This paper attempts to investigate whether Ethical Investment (EI) could reduce the role of dividend and debt in reducing agency conflict between controlling and public shareholders in Indonesia. I investigate market reaction when EI and Non-EI stocks announce dividend payments, dividend non-payments, and bond issuance. I also investigate the effect of EI and the interaction between EI and dividend and between EI and debt on company’s value. The smaller market reaction shows that EI stocks contain less surprise, since EI stocks are able to reduce information asymmetry, and increase trust among investors. The empirical results show that market reaction for debt issuance is less positive for EI stocks than for Non-EI stocks. Regression analysis shows that EI strengthens the role of debt in increasing company’s value. The role of EI in reducing agency conflict seems to have multi-dimensions. Event studies show that debt could be used as a substitute for debt in reducing agency conflict, but regression result shows that EI complements debt in reducing agency conflicts, and increases company’s value. Overall I conclude that EI provide an important role as mechanisms to reduce agency conflict, and increase company’s value.[Artikel ini menelisik apakah Ethical Investment (EI) dapat mengurangi peran dividen dan bunga dalam menekan konflik perusahaan antara manajer dan pemilik saham publik di Indonesia. Reaksi pasar akan dilihat ketika stok EI dan non-EI mengumumkan dividen dibayarkan, dividen tidak dibayarkan, dan bon pengeluaran. Hal lain yang juga dilihat adalah pengaruh dari EI dan interaksi antara EI dan dividen serta antara EI dan hutang pada nilai perusahaan. Reaksi pasar yang lebih kecil menunjukkan bahwa stok EI tidak banyak mengejutkan, karena stok EI dapat mengurangi ketidaksinkronan informasi sekaligus meningkatkan kepercayaan investor. Analisis lapangan menunjukkan bahwa pengumuman tentang hutang perusahaan memiliki dampak kurang positif pada stok EI daripada non- EI. Sedangkan analisis regresi menunjukkan bahwa EI memperkuat peran hutang dalam meningkatkan nilai perusahaan. Sementara itu, peran EI dalam menekan konflik perusahaan tampak memiliki banyak dimensi. Secara umum dapat disimpulkan pula bahwa EI memiliki peran yang cukup penting dalam mekanisme untuk menekan agency conflict dan meningkatkan nilai perusahaan.]
Change and Continuity in Indonesian Islamist Ideology and Terrorist Strategies Fenton, Adam James
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.1-24

Abstract

The “Islamisation” of Indonesia has exerted a transformative force on every aspect of Indonesian society. That process continues today. It has created streams of change and continuity in thoughts, ideologies and practices, of enormous complexity. Strict doctrinal interpretation of Koranic text is not a new phenomenon, contrary to what some reports in the mass media might suggest. Its roots stretch back at least as far as the 1800s with the outbreak of violent conflicts between those urging a stricter, scripturalist application of Islam, and those adhering to traditionalist and colonialist ideologies --culminating in the Padri war of West Sumatra of 1821-38. Indicating an ostensible continuity of ideology, modern extremist ideologues, such as Abu Bakar Bashir, urge their followers toward violent conflict and terrorist actions based on an ideology of strict “Middle Eastern” interpretation of fundamental Islamic tenets. This paper argues that the strategies of those carrying out radical and violent ideologies are undergoing change, as are the strategies of the authorities tasked with combating them. Radical groups have displayed a shift away from large-scale, attacks on symbolic foreign targets towards low-level violence primarily aimed at law enforcement authorities. Authorities, on the other hand, have shown a greater tendency to shoot dead those suspected of involvement with violent radical groups. This paper will examine the changing strategies of violent radical groups and the continuity, and evolution, of the underlying Islamic ideology that provides religious justification for their violent acts. The paper will argue that engaging Indonesia’s politically active youth in an ideological dialogue on Islamism and democracy provides the best prospect for disengagement from, and breaking the cycle of recruitment for, radical violence and terrorism.[Proses panjang Islamisasi di Indonesia telah menghasilkan kekuatan transformatif di seluruh aspek kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Proses ini terus berlangsung hingga sekarang serta menciptakan gelombang perubahan berkesinambungan dalam pemikiran, ideologi, dan praktik-praktik dalam kompleksitas yang rumit. Penafsiran kaku atas ayat-ayat Quran sebenarnya bukanlah sesuatu yang baru, berbeda dengan apa yang selama ini diasumsikan di media. Fenomena seperti ini dapat dirunut kembali pada era 1800an, khususnya pada konflik bersenjata yang terjadi antara penganjur penerapan tekstual ajaran Islam dengan para penganut ideologi tradisional dan penjajah, yang berpuncak pada Perang Padri di Sumatra Barat tahun 1821-38. Dengan ideologi serupa, para ideolog modern dari kelompok garis keras, seperti Abu Bakar Bashir, mendorong pengikutnya untuk melakukan aksi kekerasan dan teror dengan mendasarkan diri pada ideologi ala Timur Tengah dengan penafsiran dasar-dasar Islam secara kaku. Tulisan ini mendalilkan bahwa strategi kelompok yang mengusung ideologi radikal dan kekerasan terus mengalami perubahan seiring perubahan strategi penguasa dalam menghadapi mereka. Strategi kelompok radikal telah berubah dari penyerangan berskala besar terhadap simbol-simbol asing bergeser pada kekerasan berskala kecil terutama pada persoalan penerapan hukum. Pemerintah, di sisi lain, cenderung mengambil tindakan tegas terhadap mereka yang diduga terlibat kekerasan kelompok radikal. Tulisan ini juga melihat perubahan-perubahan dan kesinambungan strategi dari kelompok radikal serta evolusi ideologi Islam yang menjustifikasi aksi-aksi kekerasan. Kesimpulan lainnya adalah bahwa keterlibatan kalangan muda dalam kegiatan dialog mengenai Islam dan demokrasi menjadikan mereka terhindar sekaligus memutus rantai rekrutmen gerakan radikal dan terorisme.]
Advancing Larger Democracy in Indonesia through Islamic Print Media Muzakki, Akh.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 2 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.492.231-252

Abstract

Over the past one decade, Indonesia has been renowned for its achievement in consolidating and establishing democracy after having experienced thirty two year political authoritarianism. The power is now step by step leased back to the people. In the least form, people are little by little getting access to the processes of policy-making. Their aspirations, instead of being undermined, are considered to be as gradually important as those of political elites. This paper is an attempt to examine the role of print media in enhancing the democratisation processes through the analysis of the production of Islamic ideas within print media publication. For the purpose of simplification, print media publication can be regarded as part of the essential translation of the press, a pillar of democracy. As a focus of analysis, this paper deals with print publications, in the form of both Islamic books and magazines, produced by Muslim scholars or activists in Indonesia. Islamic books are presented by those produced by publishers, such as Mizan, Gema Insani Press, and Wihdah Press. Islamic magazines are presented by Sabili, Hidayah, and Jihadmagz.[Lebih dari satu dekade terakhir, Indonesia dikenal sebagai negara yang berhasil melakukan konsolidasi demokrasi setelah mengalami tiga puluh dua tahun otoritarianisme Orde Baru. Kekuatan politik secara perlahan dikembalikan ke rakyat. Setidaknya, rakyat sedikit demi sedikit semakin memiliki akses atas pembuatan kebijakan. Aspirasi mereka kemudian diperhitungkan dan dianggap penting seperti aspirasi elit politik. Artikel ini mendiskusikan peran media-cetak dalam proses demokratisasi, yaitu dengan mengalisis produksi gagasan-gagasan tentang Islam yang dimuat dalam media cetak. Secara umum, media cetak merupakan salah satu bentuk pers yang menjadi salah satu pilar demokrasi. Pembahasan dalam artikel ini difokuskan pada buku dan majalah yang diterbitkan oleh ulama atau aktifis di Indonesia. Mizan, Gema Insani Press, dan Wihdah mewakili penerbit buku, sementara Sabili, Hidayah dan Jihadmagz mewakili kelompok majalah.]
From Shari‘a ‘Ayniyya to Shari‘a Hududiyya: Shahrour’s Interpretation on Quranic Legal Verses Khusen, Moh
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 2 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.502.431-459

Abstract

This article elaborates a new paradigm in the interpretation of Qur’anic legal verses conducted by a Syrian thinker, Mohammad Shahrour. This study shows that, according to Shahrour, Islamic jurisprudence is not “‘ayniyya”, but “h‍‍ududiyya” since for him, all legal rules carried by the verses represent the limits of Allah which people can behave. Shari‘a h‍ududiyya proves that Shahrour’s approach to the Quranic legal verses can be characterized as an open-ended process of socio-political and moral codes. Still holding on to the tool of textual analysis but combining it with a new perspective, h‍ududiyya, Shahrour manages to be faithful to the text and at the same time, compatible with the ideas and values of modernity and humanism. Elaborated by other theories from other disciplines, especially mathematics and physics, Shahrour provides six types of limits which encapsulate all Shari‘a cases equipped with their characteristics, differentiations and implementations.[Artikel ini menjelaskan paradigma baru dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat hukum dalam al-Quran seperti diperkenalkan oleh seorang pemikir berkebangsaan Syria, Mohammad Shahrour. Artikel ini memperlihatkan bahwa, menurut Shahrour, ayat-ayat hukum dalam al-Quran itu tidak bersifat “‘ayniyya”, namun “h‍ududiyya” karena berfungsi untuk membatasi. Shari‘a h‍ududiyya yang diperkenalkan Shahrour menjelaskan bahwa pendekatan terhadap ayat-ayat hukum dalam al-Quran  bersifat terbuka. Dengan tetap berpijak pada pendekatan tekstual terhadap al-Quran sembari memperhatikan pandangan baru, h‍ududiyya, Shahrour berhasil mempertemukan teks al-Quran dengan ide-ide dan norma-norma modernitas dan humanisme. Dijelaskan melalui teori-teori yang berkembang di disiplin ilmu lain, utamanya matematika dan fisika, Shahrour memperkenalkan enam tipe batasan Shari‘a.]
Western Studies of the Quranic Narrative: from the Historical Orientation into the Literary Analysis Ikhwan, Munirul
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 2 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.482.387-411

Abstract

The beginnings of Western interest in the Quran can be traced back to the appearance of the first complete translation of the Quran into Latin by Robert of Ketton in the twelfth century when the Muslim and Western Christian worlds has begun a long-running confrontation. In the eighteenth century, Western scholars began to be interested in studying the history and sources of the Quran. The Quranic narrative, which has its parallels in the Judeo-Christian traditions, has been studied from the historical perspective. In this approach, everything in the Quran that can be also found in earlier scriptures, is considered as borrowed, and every story that the Quran modifies is viewed as distorted. Recent Western studies have shifted into a new arena, studying the contents and styles of the Quranic narrative by analyzing its discourse and narrativity.
Wahhabism, Identity, and Secular Ritual: Graduation at an Indonesian High School Rohmaniyah, Inayah; Woodward, Mark
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.501.119-145

Abstract

This paper concerns the social and ritual construction of social identities at Pondok Pesantren Madrasah Wathoniyah Islamiyah (PPMWI), a theologically Wahhabi oriented pesantren (traditional Islamic school) in Central Java, Indonesia. We focus on the inter-play of religious and secular symbols in the school’s graduation ceremonies (wisuda) for secondary school students and the ways it contributes to the construction of individual and social identities. Our analysis builds on Turner’s studies of the processual logic of rites of passage, Moore and Meyerhoff’s distinction between religious and secular ritual and Tambiah’s application of the Piercian concept of indexical symbols to the analysis of ritual. Theoretically we will be concerned with ritual, cognitive and social processes involved in the construction of religious identities. Empirically, we critique the common assumption that Salafi, and more specifically, Wahhabi, religious teachings contribute to the construction of exclusivist identities, social conflict and violence. In the case we are concerned with, religious tolerance and non-violence are among the defining features of Wahhabi identity.[Tulisan membahas konstruksi identitas ritual dan sosial pada sebuah pesantren yang berorientasi teologi Wahhabi, yaitu Pondok Pesantren Madrasah Wathoniyah Islamiyah (PPMWI). Diskusi akan difokuskan pada saling silang simbol-simbol agama dan sekuler dalam peringatan wisuda siswa menengah pertama serta signifikansinya dalam konstruksi identitas sosial dan individual. Analisis tulisan ini berdasarkan studi Turner mengenai logika proses dalam daur ritus (the processual logic of rites of passage), pembagian ritual agama dan sekuler oleh Moore dan Meyerhoff serta konsep Piercian mengenai indek simbolis dalam ritual oleh Tambiah. Secara teoritis, artikel ini akan mendiskusikan ritual, kognisi, dan proses sosial yang menjadi bagian dalam konstruksi identitas agama. Selain itu, penulis juga melakukan kritik terhadap pandangan umum mengenai Wahhabi yang dituduh sebagai identitas ekslusif, biang-kerok konflik sosial dan kekerasan. Penulis menemukan sebaliknya, bahwa toleransi antar agama dan anti-kekerasan adalah salah satu ciri identitas Wahhabi.]
The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahid’s Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemen’s agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomo’s idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]
What Went Wrong with the Veil? A Comparative Analysis of the Discourse of the Veil in France, Iran, and Indonesia Safitri, Dian Maya
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.481.81-100

Abstract

This paper attempts to discuss several current issues about the veil. Three  countries are selected, namely France, Iran, and Indonesia, due to their different policies and perspectives concerning the veil. Using discourse analysis, this paper examines the violation of human rights, particularly those of Muslim women, by the ban of the veil in France and the obligation to wear it in Iran. Finally, inspired by the theoretical work of Gramsci, this paper analyzes how the  terms “secular” and “religious“ are used by the state to justify their hegemony over certain minority groups. Moreover, this paper offers the “correct concept of  secularism” as that entails civic reason, constitutionalism, and human-rights based citizenship, and proposed by An-Na’im as the best avenue to safeguard the problem of human rights in France and Iran. The remainder of this paper discusses Indonesia, the largest Moslem country in the world, that is, in fact, “a secular country” based on Pancasila, which respects religious freedom, including  for women to wear the veil or not. It also opens full, equal, and fair access for all Indonesian women, regardless of their ethnicity and religious affiliation,  to compete in the workforce and to pursue education. The author’s intention is to clarify false stereotypes about the veil, to enlighten readers about abuse of power by both French and Iranian governments in violating the rights of women on the issue of veil, and to inform readers --using the case of Indonesia  as an example-- about the importance of state neutrality in supporting the rights of freedom of and from religion.
The Politics of Benevolence: Political Patronage of Party-Based Charitable Organizations in Contemporary Indonesian Islam Latief, Hilman
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 2 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.512.337-363

Abstract

The rise of party-based Islamic charities has had a profound impact on the nature of philanthropic activities in contemporary Indonesia, and stimulated a new debate over the issue of the politics of benevolent acts. Over the past few years, in line with the increase of the influence of the Islamic factor in Indonesian politics, there have been a number of political parties which actively engaged with social welfare activities through the newly-established Islamic charitable organizations. The close ties between charitable organizations and political parties may lead to the new patterns of Muslim social and political activism, and to the new forms of political clientelism. This article analyzes the vibrant effort of political parties in sponsoring the inception and operation of Islamic charitable organizations in the post New Order era, and investigates how political clientelism has been established through charity practices. This paper compares the roles of charitable organizations set up by the nationalist and Islamist parties in formulating strategies to promote their political interest. Based on three political parties studied in this article, which are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Golkar Party, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), this paper argues that the practice of charity has become a popular way used by politicians to patronize their constituents, but at the same time, this practice has weakened the Muslim perspective of development and social change.[Munculnya lembaga-lembaga amal yang dikelola oleh partai politik berpengaruh luas terhadap aktifitas filantropi di Indonesia dan memicu perdebatan seputar politik-kedermawanan. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, selaras dengan semakin meningkatnya pengaruh Islam dalam lanskap politik Indonesia, partai-partai politik juga berlomba-lomba untuk terlibat aktif dalam aktifitas filantropi dengan mendirikan lembaga amal. Ikatan kuat antara partai politik dan lembaga amal tersebut tentu berpotensi melahirkan pola aktivisme sosial-politik Islam dan bentuk baru clientisme-politik. Artikel ini akan mengulas upaya keras partai politik dalam mendirikan dan mengendalikan lembaga-lembaga amal pasca Orde Baru dan menjelaskan bagaimana clientisme dapat terbentuk melalui aktifitas amal. Artikel ini akan membandingkan peran lembaga-lembaga amal yang didirikan oleh partai politik nasionalis dan Islam dalam menyusun strategi untuk menyukseskan agenda politik mereka. Dengan menganalisis tiga partai politik, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan/PDI-P, dan Golongan Karya/Golkar, penulis berargumen bahwa aktifitas amal semakin populer di kalangan politisi sebagai cara menarik simpati konstituen, tetapi pada saat yang sama, praktik tersebut semakin memperlemah cara pandang umat Islam mengenai pembangunan dan perubahan sosial.]
The Representation of Muslims in Rudyard Kipling’s Short Stories: A Postcolonial Perspective Mugijatna, M.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.127-148

Abstract

This article studies Rudyard Kipling’s four short stories, “Wee Willie Winkie”, “The Recrudescence of Imray”, “The Story of Muhammad Din”, and “Without Benefit of Clergy”. The purposes of this research are to describe the representation of Muslims in the four short stories and to describe how the representation of Muslims in the four short stories represents British colonization in India. In this paper, I employs textual study methodology using narrative analysis, binary-opposition analysis, and metaphorical iconicity analysis. The conclusion is that the representation of Muslims in the four short stories ranges from perceiving Muslims as bed men living in hills and forest to perceiving Muslims as the slaves of the British. In all the representations, the British is not presented as an oppressor, instead as a benevolent master. It is a metaphor of Kipling’s firm belief that the British were helping to civilize and educate a previously “savage” people. It disregards the fact that British colonization over India had ruined Islamic empire in India under Mogul Court sovereignty and ruined Indian economy and society organization.[Penelitian ini mengkaji empat cerita pendek Rudyard Kipling, “Wee Willie Winkie”, “The Recrudescence of Imray”, “The Story of Muhammad Din”, dan “Without Benefit of Clergy”. Adapun tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan representasi Muslim dalam empat cerita pendek tersebut dan mendeskripsikan bagaimana gambaran tersebut merepresentasikan kolonisasi Inggris atas India. Metode yang digunakan adalah metodologi kajian tekstual dengan analisis naratif, analisis oposisi-biner, dan analisis ikonositas metaforis. Kesimpulannya adalah bahwa representasi Muslim dalam empat cerita pendek tersebut merentang mulai dari muslim sebagai orang-orang jahat yang hidup di gunung dan hutan hingga sebagai budak orang Inggris. Dalam represestasi itu orang Inggris tidak pernah digambarkan sebagai penindas. Representasi ini merupakan metafora kepercayaan Rudyard Kipling bahwa kehadiran Inggris di India adalah untuk mengadabkan dan mendidik orang India yang semula liar. Representasi ini mengabaikan kenyataan bahwa kehadiran Inggris di India telah menghancurkan imperium Islam di India di bawah kedaulatan Istana Mogul dan meruntuhkan ekonomi dan susunan masyarakat India.]

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