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THE INDONESIAN CLERICS COUNCIL (MUI) AND THE ISSUE OF THE FREEDOM OF RELIGION IN THE CASE OF AHMADIYAH Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Ulum Vol 14, No 2 (2014): December
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Sultan Amai Gorontalo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (367.403 KB)

The Republic of Indonesia does not follow the pure concept of nation state as the national ideology of Pancasila recognizes the role of religion in the national political system. Based on this conception, the government has facilitated the establishment of the ministry of religious affairs which often breaks the principle of religion freedom. In the case of Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah, MUI, established under the auspice of the ministry of religions, has accused the Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah of having done the act of blasphemy. Actually, this will not become a problem if the state consistently applies the separations of power between public and private affairs. In this regard, religious communities take in a role of civil society which would provide checks and balances to the government in the pursuance of democracy. In line with this, the ministry of religious affairs, by means of MUI, should not judge people based on their beliefs. Al-Qurâan also recognizes the existence of different religions as well as some sects within a certain religion. Moreover, it is useful to implement Richard Niebuhrâs theory of denomination. Last but not least, MUI should act following the concept of nation state in order to moderate power which tends to corrupt. Â Â ----------Â Republik Indonesia didirikan berdasarkan dasar negara Pancasila. Sejalan dengan itu, negara memfasilitasi pendirian kementerian agama, yaitu sebuah institusi yang sering melanggar pinsip kebebasan beragama. Sebagai contoh, MUI, yang didirikan di bawah naungan kementerian agama, menuduh Ahmadiyah, salah satu aliran dalam Islam, telah melakukan penistaan agama. Sebenarnya, model negara Pancasila tidak bermasalah bila negara secara konsisten menerapkan pemisahan kekuasaan antara urusanÂ publikÂ dan urusanÂ privat. Dalam hal ini organisasi-organisai keagamaan, seperti Ahmadiyah dan MUI, memainkan peran sebagai unsurÂ civil society, dalam arti menjadi penyeimbang bagi negara, demi terciptanya masyarakat yang demokratis. Oleh karena itu, MUI, tidak menilai orang berdasarkan keyakinannya, karena. al-Qurâan mengakui keberadaan beberapa agama dan aliran-alirannya. Â MUI perlu menilainya berdasarkan teori denominasi karyaÂ Richard Niebuhr. MUI juga perlu memposisikan diri sebagai bagian dari civil society, mengkritisi penguasa yang cenderung menyalahgunakan kekuasaan.

THE INDONESIAN CLERICS COUNCIL (MUI) AND THE ISSUE OF THE FREEDOM OF RELIGION IN THE CASE OF AHMADIYAH Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Ulum Vol 14, No 2 (2014): Al-Ulum December
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Sultan Amai Gorontalo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (477.451 KB)

The Republic of Indonesia does not follow the pure concept of nation state as the national ideology of Pancasila recognizes the role of religion in the national political system. Based on this conception, the government has facilitated the establishment of the ministry of religious affairs which often breaks the principle of religion freedom. In the case of Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah, MUI, established under the auspice of the ministry of religions, has accused the Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah of having done the act of blasphemy. Actually, this will not become a problem if the state consistently applies the separations of power between public and private affairs. In this regard, religious communities take in a role of civil society which would provide checks and balances to the government in the pursuance of democracy. In line with this, the ministry of religious affairs, by means of MUI, should not judge people based on their beliefs. Al-Qurâan also recognizes the existence of different religions as well as some sects within a certain religion. Moreover, it is useful to implement Richard Niebuhrâs theory of denomination. Last but not least, MUI should act following the concept of nation state in order to moderate power which tends to corrupt. -----Republik Indonesia didirikan berdasarkan dasar negara Pancasila. Sejalan dengan itu, negara memfasilitasi pendirian kementerian agama, yaitu sebuah institusi yang sering melanggar pinsip kebebasan beragama. Sebagai contoh, MUI, yang didirikan di bawah naungan kementerian agama, menuduh Ahmadiyah, salah satu aliran dalam Islam, telah melakukan penistaan agama. Sebenarnya, model negara Pancasila tidak bermasalah bila negara secara konsisten menerapkan pemisahan kekuasaan antara urusanÂ publikÂ dan urusanÂ privat. Dalam hal ini organisasi-organisasi keagamaan, seperti Ahmadiyah dan MUI, memainkan peran sebagai unsurÂ civil society, dalam arti menjadi penyeimbang bagi negara, demi terciptanya masyarakat yang demokratis. Oleh karena itu, MUI, tidak menilai orang berdasarkan keyakinannya, karena. al-Qurâan mengakui keberadaan beberapa agama dan aliran-alirannya. Â MUI perlu menilainya berdasarkan teori denominasi karyaÂ Richard Niebuhr. MUI juga perlu memposisikan diri sebagai bagian dari civil society, mengkritisi penguasa yang cenderung menyalahgunakan kekuasaan.Â

The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahidâs Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemenâs agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomoâs idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]

The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahidâs Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemenâs agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomoâs idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]

Nahdlatul Ulama, the Fiqh Paradigm, and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
TAWARIKH Vol 7, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : ASPENSI in Bandung, Indonesia

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ABSTRACT: The Republic of Indonesia was established based on a secular political system, but it did not follow the pure concept of the theory of secularisation. In the context of Indonesia nation-state, there were three competing major paradigms of the relationship between religion, especially Islam, and the state, that were: secular paradigm, Islamic ideological paradigm, and the âfiqhâ (Islamic study of laws) paradigm. In historical process, it was a result of compromise amongst the followers of secular and Islamic aspirations. In this âPancasilaâ (five basic principles of the Republic of Indonesia) state, Islam provides a moral basis for running the state. However, the proper role of religions should be negotiated amongst different political forces, such as was outlined in the seven words of the Jakarta Charter in 1945 and in the 1950s. In this regard, the traditionalist Muslims, especially the followers of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), adopting the âfiqhâ paradigm, were able to develop a flexible standpoint in regard to the role of Islam in Indonesia compared to the modernist Muslims, who advocated an Islamic ideological paradigm. They (the traditionalist Muslims) were able to move from justifying the Republic of Indonesia to supporting an Islamic state and, then, again supporting the secular state. This was due to the âfiqhâ paradigm recognising the existing political system, while trying to improve it at the same time.KEY WORDS: Nahdlatul Ulama, Indonesia nation-state, the traditionalist Muslims, secular, Islamic ideological and âfiqhâ paradigms, and result of compromise.About the Author: Saefur Rochmat is a Lecturer at the Department of History Education, Faculty of Social Sciences UNY (State University of Yogyakarta), UNY Campus, Karangmalang, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. For acadeimic interests, the author is able to be contacted via e-mail at: rochmat@yahoo.comHow to cite this article? Rochmat, Saefur. (2015). âNahdlatul Ulama, the Fiqh Paradigm, and the Republic of Indonesiaâ in TAWARIKH: International Journal for Historical Studies, Vol.7(1) October, pp.45-62. Bandung, Indonesia: Minda Masagi Press, ISSN 2085-0980.Chronicle of the article: Accepted (June 17, 2015); Revised (August 17, 2015); and Published (October 28, 2015).

Student Perception of Online Learning Media Platform During the Covid-19 Pandemic Fahruddin, Fahruddin; Jana, Padrul; Setiawan, Johan; Rochmat, Saefur; Aman, Aman; Yuliantri, Rhoma Dwi Aria
Journal of Education Technology Vol 6, No 1 (2022): February
Publisher : Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23887/jet.v6i1.42738

Learning during the Covid-19 Pandemic requires lecturers to be able to adapt by using online learning platforms. As a result, there are different perceptions of students regarding the effectiveness of each of these platforms. The study aimed to analyze differences in students' perceptions about the effectiveness of using WhatsApp, Google Classroom, and Zoom platforms. This research method uses quantitative methods to measure the level of perception and is combined with qualitative methods to analyze student perception. The data collection method is done by distributing questionnaires through Google forms to students. The analysis used is a quantitative analysis using statistical calculation and qualitative analysis to analyze student perception. The results showed that the difference in perception in WhatsApp and Google Classroom usage was significant with an average difference of 16.933 which means WhatsAppâ€™s perception levels are higher than Google Classroom. The difference in perception in WhatsApp and Zoom usage is significant with an average difference of 15.2 which means WhatsApp's perception level is higher than zoom. The difference in perception in Zoom and Google Classroom usage is insignificant with an average difference of 1.733 which means Zoomâ€™s perception rate is slightly higher than Google Classroom. The study concluded that student perceptions were higher on the WhatsApp Group platform, then zoom, and finally Google Classroom. Online learning should first use the WhatsApp platform, then zoom, and finally Google Classroom.

Flipped classroom in history learning to improve students’ critical thinking Muhammad Rijal Fadli; Saefur Rochmat; Ajat Sudrajat; Aman Aman; Arif Rohman; Kuswono Kuswono
International Journal of Evaluation and Research in Education (IJERE) Vol 11, No 3: September 2022
Publisher : Institute of Advanced Engineering and Science

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.11591/ijere.v11i3.22785

The flipped classroom is very helpful for students to understand learning material, but it is still very minimally used, especially in history learning. This study analyzed the effect of the flipped classroom model in history learning to improve students' critical thinking. This study employed a quasi-experimental non-equivalent control group design, by dividing into two class groups, namely experimental and control. The sample was 121 students who were selected through cluster random sampling technique. The data collection was through observation, interviews, and instruments in the form of critical thinking tests. Data analysis used an independent sample t-test and N-gain score test to analyze the effect of a flipped classroom in history learning to improve critical thinking. The results showed that the flipped classroom in history learning had a significant effect on improving students' critical thinking skills as evidenced by the independent sample t-test test with a significance value of 0.000<0.05, and the N-gain score test which was included in the moderate criteria. So, the flipped classroom model in history learning is very suitable to be used and implemented. Hence, learning objectives are achieved so that history learning can run well and optimally.

The history learning module integrated character values Jems Sopacua; Muhammad Rijal Fadli; Saefur Rochmat
Journal of Education and Learning (EduLearn) Vol 14, No 3: August 2020
Publisher : Intelektual Pustaka Media Utama

The history learning module integrated character values is an innovation in history learning in schools to support educational progress. This module serves as teaching material for the process of character formation of students obtained through independent learning to achieve the desired competency goals. This research uses the development (R and D) of the 4D model (define, design, development and dissemination). The results showed that the module was declared feasible based on the results of the validation of the experts, so the modules that had been developed were feasible, effective and practical to be used as teaching materials and learning resources by students in the history learning process. This module has the advantage that there are character values (love of the motherland, curiosity, religious and tolerance) in the material presented for the formation of students' character.

MEDANESE NOVEL: HISTORY OF LITERATURES IN MEDAN CITY (1930—1965)/ROMAN MEDAN: SEJARAH KARYA SASTRA DI KOTA MEDAN (1930—1965) Syahri Ramadhan; Saefur Rochmat
Aksara Vol 33, No 1 (2021): AKSARA, EDISI JUNI 2021
Publisher : Balai Bahasa Provinsi Bali

AbstractThis study aims to explain the history of the Medanese novels chronologically, starting from the development of the Medanese novels in the Dutch colonialism period to the old order, and the impact of Medanese novels to people in Medan. The sources of data are Medanese novels published from 1930 to 1965. Method used in this study was historic method studied through four stages as follows: (1) heuristic (to collect sources); (2) verification of data (to test validity of data); (3) interpretation; (4) historiography (writing). The data were analyzed by diachronic approach as a method in the length of time, but limited in space. The results of this study indicated that development of Medanese novels in Dutch colony time (from 1912 to 1942) experienced speedily progressing. Medanese novels were on its peak in 1930, until the term flood of romance emerged which was marked by the number of romances published. Medanese novels could compete against novels published by Balai Pustaka, a publisher previously established by the government of the Dutch colonialism. However, at time of the Japanese occupation (from 1942 to 1945), the Medanese novels experienced decreasing, even lost from distribution, and from early independence (from 1945 to 1950) to old order (from 1950 to 1966), the Medanese novels raised again, but the existence was unlike the previous. Moreover, the Medanese novels writing had impacts on social life in Medan, such as politic, education, social, and culture. Keywords: Medanese novels, history, literature, Medan AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan sejarah perkembangan roman Medan secara kronologis, yang dimulai dari perkembangan roman Medan pada masa kolonial Belanda hingga orde lama, serta dampak penulisan roman Medan bagi masyarakat kota Medan. Sumber data penelitian ini adalah roman Medan terbitan tahun 1930—1965. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu metode sejarah yang dikaji melalui empat tahapan, meliputi (1) heuristik (pengumpulan sumber); (2) verifikasi data (menguji keabsahan sumber); (3) interpretasi (penafsiran); (4) historiografi (penulisan). Adapun analisis data menggunakan pendekatan diakronis yang merupakan suatu pendekatan yang memanjang dalam waktu, tetapi secara ruang terbatas. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa perkembangan roman Medan pada masa kolonial Belanda (1912—1942) mengalami kemajuan yang begitu pesat. Roman Medan berada di puncak kejayaannya pada tahun 1930 hingga muncul istilah banjir roman yang ditandai dengan banyaknya roman yang terbit. Secara kuantitas roman Medan mampu bersaing dengan roman terbitan Balai Pustaka yang merupakan penerbit buku yang telah didirikan terlebih dahulu oleh pemerintah Belanda. Akan tetapi, pada masa pendudukan Jepang (1942—1945) roman Medan mengalami kemunduran bahkan hilang dari peredaran, dan pada masa awal kemerdekaan (1945—1950) hingga masa Orde Lama (1950—1966), roman Medan bangkit kembali, tetapi eksistensinya tidak seperti dahulu. Selain itu, penulisan roman Medan ini memiliki dampak terhadap kehidupan masyarakat Medan di antaranya dalam bidang politik, pendidikan, sosial, dan budaya. Kata kunci: roman Medan, sejarah, karya sastra, Medan

President Abdurrahman Wahid’s Efforts to Consolidate the Democratic Transition from the Soeharto Authoritarian Regime Saefur Rochmat
Insaniyat : Journal of Islam and Humanities Volume 1 Number 2, May 2017
Publisher : Faculty of Adab and Humanities, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta.

Abdurrahman Wahid was appointed by MPR (the Indonesian People’s Representative Assembly) as the President of the Republic of Indonesia because of his idea of democracy, convincing the prevailing two opposing groups, namely the nationalist groups and Islamist groups (it is well- known as Poros Tengah/ the Central Axis). Indeed, he was able to adapt democracy to the Islamic tradition by employing the fiqh-plus paradigm to the relationship between Islam and the state. He made uses of the presidential office to consolidate the democratic transition such as by supporting civil society, establishing civil supremacy and establishing law enforcement. From beginning it was not easy for him to socialise his fiqh-plus paradigm to other Islamic groups. Moreover, Central Axis, the determining force contributing to the win of Wahid’s presidential election, felt upset with Wahid’s policies which did not align with their interests. The nationalist groups were also anxious about occupying the presidential office for themself. Last but not the least, the military also agreed with the idea of impeachment of President Wahid in order to save their political interests.DOI: 10.15408/insaniyat.v1i2.5473

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