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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Articles 1,223 Documents
The 2002 Bali Bombing and the New Public Sphere: The Portrayal of Terrorism in Indonesian Online Discussion Forums Sunesti, Yuyun
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.231-255

Abstract

This article examines heroic conceptions of terrorists, support, and sympathy for terrorism in Indonesia by undertaking a content analysis of four Indonesian online discussion forums in the aftermath of the 2002 Bali bombing. It is argued that online discussion forums are a particularly appropriate source of data from which to analyse Indonesians’ perceptions of the bombers, as these forums are widely thought to be representative of a new public sphere that allows for political debate and participation. From discussions between July 2008 and January 2009, the article outlines how the bombers were constructed as heroes and anti-heroes by different members of different forums. Drawing on a cultural sociological perspective, the article highlights the importance of understanding the reputation of individual terrorists, and the influence of established heroic types in understanding contemporary conflict in Indonesian society.[Artikel ini membahas konsepsi kepahlawanan teroris, dukungan, dan simpati terhadap terorisme di Indonesia dengan melakukan analisis isi terhadap forum diskusi online terkait dengan peristiwa Bom Bali tahun 2002. Diasumsikan bahwa forum diskusi online merupakan sumber yang memadai untuk melihat persepsi masyarakat Indonesia mengenai pelaku pengeboman, karena forum seperti ini cukup dipercaya sebagai perwakilan ruang publik baru memungkinkan terjadinya keterlibatan dan debat yang bersifat politik. Dari diskusi yang terjadi antara Juli 2008 sampai Januari 2009, tergambar dalam artikel ini bahwa para pelaku pengeboman dikonstruksikan sebagai seorang pahlawan sekaligus sebagai musuh dalam forum yang berbeda. Dengan perspektif sosial-budaya, tulisan ini menggaris-bawahi pentingnya pemahaman terhadap reputasi masing-masing teroris dan pengaruh tipologi kepahlawanan dalam memahami konflik di tengah masyarakat Indonesia saat ini.]
Islamism & Democracy: A Gender Analysis on PKS’s Application of Democratic Principles and Values Octavia, Lanny
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.501.1-22

Abstract

The increasing popular support for Islamist parties in democratic countries incites public suspicion concerning whether the Islamists’ participation in procedural democracy guarantees their commitment for substantial democracy, which in principle requires equality of rights among citizens regardless of their religion and gender. Indeed, gender politics often appears at the centre of the lslamist agenda, as they seek to construct a new moral order based on a conservative gender perspective. A greater concern arises on whether the Islamists will eventually lead society towards democracy or, conversely, towards theocracy. In Indonesia, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) shows a remarkable development and significant electoral achievement. Some observers viewed that PKS is opportunistically using democratic means to “hijack” it for their Islamist agenda waiting for when political power is in their hands. Others believe PKS’s involvement in real politics will, in the end, lead to a “gradual secularisation” of their Islamist agenda. Based on a gender analysis, this paper examines whether PKS’s fulfillment of the formalist criteria of democracy is compatible with their application of democratic principles and values.[Semakin menguatnya dukungan terhadap partai Islam memincu kecurigaan publik yang mempertanyakan apakah partisipasi kalangan islamis dalam demokrasi prosedural menjamin komitmen mereka bagi tegaknya demokrasi substansial, demokrasi yang mensyaratkan kesetaraan bagi semua orang tanpa terkecuali. Sebenarnya, agenda politik gender yang didengungkan oleh kalangan islamis tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perspektif konservatif mereka mengenai relasi gender. Pertanyaannya kemudian, apakah yang mereka agendakan akan berlabuh pada pemantapan demokrasi atau --sebaliknya‍‑­‑ menuju teokrasi. Di Indonesia, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) adalah satu-satunya partai Islam di Indonesia yang berhasil berkembang pesat dan mampu mendulang suara secara signifikan. Bagi beberapa pengamat, PKS merepresentasikan partai Islamis yang berhasil “menunggangi” demokrasi untuk memperjuangkan agenda islamis mereka. Ini akan tampak jelas jika PKS berhasil menjadi partai penguasa. Kendati demikian, beberapa kalangan lainnya berkeyakinan bahwa keterlibatan PKS dalam politik demokratis akan “mensekulerkan” agenda islamis mereka. Dengan analisis gender, tulisan ini hendak menjawab apakah kriteria formal mengenai nilai dan prinsip demokrasi yang melekat pada PKS sejalan dengan apa yang mereka praktekkan.]
Book Review: Islam Politik, Teori Gerakan Sosial, dan Pencarian Model Pengkajian Islam Baru Lintas-Disiplin Hasan, Noorhaidi
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 1 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.441.241-250

Abstract

Sejak revolusi Iran meletus tahun 1979, perhatian para sarjana terhadap gejolak Islam politik yang terjadi di berbagai belahan dunia Islam terus meningkat. Revolusi ini tak hanya mengirimkan sinyal kekuatan nyata Islam politik, tetapi sekaligus mentransformasikan mimpi dan menyediakan blueprint bagi pendirian negara Islam. Memang, dunia Islam pasca-revolusi Iran menyaksikan letupan-letupan demonstrasi dan gairah menggebu-gebu menuntut reposisi peran Islam di dalam lanskap politik kenegaraan. Islam ditegaskan bukan sekadar agama, tapi juga ideologi politik. Dengan dasar ideologi tersebut negara Islam, atau setidaknya masyarakat Muslim yang taat syariah, dapat dibangun. Dibingkai dalam slogan kembali kepada apa yang dipahami sebagai model Islam yang murni–Quran, sunnah Nabi, dan praktik-praktik generasi awal Muslim—tuntutan itu mengejawantah ke dalam berbagai dimensi, dari penegasan identitas parokhial sampai usaha merekonstruksi masyarakat atas dasar prinsip-prinsip keislaman.
Islamic Education and Da’wah Liberalization: Investigating Kiai Achmad Dachlan’s Ideas Mulkhan, Abdul Munir
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 46, No 2 (2008)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2008.462.401-430

Abstract

This article discusses two opposing views in regard to Islamic teaching; whether it should be seen as a static entity or as a dynamic one and each option has its own implication. Being seen as a static entity, Islamic teachings cannot be put on the table of criticism, because it is supposed to be perfect, correct, and its validity goes beyond time and space. In this position, Islamic teaching that is taught in Islamic education institutions is delivered in non dialogical way, assuming that it is doctrine, not knowledge. The author argues that such view would possibly make Islamic teachings become “normal science” that loose their relevances to contemporary human life. In fact, what is considered as Islamic teachings cannot be separated from human intervention since parts of them are formulated by classical Muslim scholars. For this reason, it is necessary to liberate Islamic teachings from narrow-minded perspective and interpretation, as suggested by the proponents of Liberal Islam. Islam should be interpreted in open-mind perspective so that it is possible to bear many different interpretations based on interpreters’ social and academic backgrounds. Achmad Dachlan is one of Muslim scholars who tried to take the essence of Islamic teachings. He argued that one of the main purposes and substantial point of Islamic teachings are the ethical kindness and human happiness. Dachlan’s concern with the marginalized and disfranchised people is based on his view on human ethics and it serves as the foundation of a movement to empower marginalized people.
Legalitas Agama Menurut Ibn ‘Arabi Mukhlis, M.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 43, No 2 (2005)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2005.432.455-474

Abstract

In connection with the issues of religious pluralism, it is often that people have improper opinion on Ibn ‘Arabi. This article shows the thought of this prominent figure in religious pluralism, especially his concept in the parameter of religion, which he conceived in the construct of al-amr al-takwini and al-amr al-taklifi. In adition, the writer discusses Ibn ‘Arabi’s view on the superiority of Muhammad’s Islam among other religions, in spite of his pluralistic ideas.
The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura Hilmy, Masdar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.27-51

Abstract

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data].
State Policies on Religious Diversity in Indonesia Mujiburrahman, M.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 46, No 1 (2008)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2008.461.101-123

Abstract

This article discusses how Indonesian state manages its religious diversity. The state policies on religious diversity cannot be understood without analyzing the history of how the founding fathers decided to choose Indonesia as neither secular nor Islamic country, but somewhere between the two. The author discusses three topics, namely the recognized religions, muslims fear of christianization, and dialogue and inter-religious harmony. Based on the Decree No.1/1965, Confucianism was one of six religions recognized by the state. However, in the Soeharto era, around 1979, this religion was dropped from the list, and only after his fall Confucianism has been rehabilitated, and even the Chinese New Year has been included as one of the national holidays in Indonesia. In terms of muslim-christian relations, there were tensions since 1960s, particularly dealt with the issue of the high number of Muslims who converted to Christianity. It was in this situation that in 1967 a newly built Methodist Church in Meulaboh, Aceh, was closed by Muslims, arguing that the Church was a concrete example of the aggressiveness of Christian missions because it was built in a Muslim majority area. Since the Meulaboh case, the Muslims consistently insisted the government to accommodate their four demands: (1) restriction on establishing new places of worship; (2) restriction onreligious propagation, and control of foreign aid for religious institutions; (4) Islamic religion classes should be given to Muslim students studying in Christian schools; (5) inter-religious marriage should not be allowed. Apart from these contested issues, the government and religious leaders have been trying to avoid conflict and to establish cooperation and peace among religious groups in the country through inter-religious dialogues, either organized by the government or sponsored by the leaders of religious groups themselves. The author argues that specific socio-political contexts should be taken into consideration to understand state policies making concerning religious diversity. Hence, all debates and compromises achieved afterwards usually do not go beyond the neither secular nor Islamic compromise.
Editorial: Islam and Human Rights, Contested Viewpoints
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 2 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.452.vii-x

Abstract

The remaining problem faced by Muslims living in this modern life is how the teachings of Islam believed as bless for all human being can be confirmed in the reality of everyday life humanity crammed with conflicts and dissonances. It is staggering to consider that not all Muslims concern, and perhaps do not wish to know, about the current discourse on Islam and its relation with others. Although Samuel Huntington’s controversial theory of “Clash of Civilization” might be challenged by most Muslim circles, the heightening conflict involving Western and Islamic civilizations in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 has approved his theory. The attack of terrorism to the US soil has triggered not only the unremitting war on terror undergone towards the alleged Muslim terrorists worldwide but also the worsening relationship between the two civilizations believed to have been engulfed since the two decades before. Candidly, this phenomenon has also affected the intra-faith dialogue among Muslims having different thought of religion.
Kritik terhadap Eksistensialisme Ateistik tentang Penolakan Eksistensi Tuhan Roswantoro, Alim
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 43, No 1 (2005)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2005.431.207-239

Abstract

The article describes the atheist existentialists’ concept of God, arguments of taking away God, and then tries to criticize their concepts and arguments. General account on existentialists’ concept of God, which is represented in Nietzsche’s statement on the death of God, begins the paper. The following part is about arguments in denying the existence of God, followed by some critiques of them. The criticism of Muhammad Iqbal, who is a Muslim existentialist, on atheistic existentialistic concept of God ends the thoroughly paper. The result of this research is that atheist existentialists understand God in anthropomorphic explanation; the relation between God and human is identical with that of human and human. Even though they denied the existence of God with the reason of determinism, their arguments implied a new determinism, and the freedom they struggled indicated pseudo freedom.
Religious ADR: Mediation in Islamic Family Law Tradition Lukito, Ratno
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 2 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.442.325-346

Abstract

Mediasi adalah salah satu metode resolusi konflik yang banyak menjadi kajian dalam studi Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR), atau Resolusi Konflik Alternatif). Kelebihan dari teori ini terletak pada metodenya yang sepenuhnya menyerahkan proses resolusi tersebut kepada para pihak yang sedang konflik. Mediator dengan demikian sekadar memfasilitasi proses resolusi tersebut agar berjalan dengan baik. Keputusan akhir tetap berada pada para pihak yang berkonflik. Namun begitu, selama ini kajian mengenai mediasi ini tidak pernah melibatkan nilai-nilai agama. Sistem ilmu mengenai hal ini lahir dari masyarakat sekuler sehingga dilihat sebagai subjek yang terpisah dari kajian agama. Penulis berpendapat bahwa sejatinya banyak nilai-nilai yang sudah ditawarkan oleh agama terkait mediasi ini. Islam sebagai contoh telah menawarkan metode mediasi sebagai salah satu sarana dalam pencapaian perdamaian, khususnya dalam hal konflik keluarga. Dalam tulisan ini penulis mendeskripsikan tentang teori umum mediasi dalam sistem keilmuan ADR dan kemudian menghubungkannya dengan tradisi mediasi dalam masyarakat Islam yang diambil dari Quran 4:35. Dalam argumentasinya penulis mengemukakan bahwa interpretasi terhadap ayat tersebut dengan menggunakan teori-teori mediasi modern sangat penting untuk dilakukan, sehingga implementasi teori mediasi Islam dapat lebih ditingkatkan efektifitasnya.

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