Indonesian Perspective
IP (Indonesian Perspective) is a scholarly journal published by the Department of International Relations, Diponegoro University. Appears two volumes a year, the journal covers broad subject areas ranging from international politics, global security, global political economy, diplomacy and foreign policy, transnational relations, to theoretical debates concerning contemporary global challenges. The name ‘Indonesian Perspective’ implies that all article submissions must meet requirement to connect their analysis to Indonesia foreign relations, either how Indonesia perceives global politics or how global politics affects Indonesia.
Articles
124 Documents
<![CDATA[Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Indonesia Amid the Spread of COVID-19: Case Study of Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Pekanbaru ]]>
<![CDATA[Charin, Rizky Octa Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43546
<![CDATA[This paper aims to analyze how the Indonesian government’s efforts to fulfill the health rights of refugees or asylum seekers who were in Indonesia when the COVID-19 case hit the world. Pekanbaru was chosen as a case study because it has broken the record for the highest number of additional COVID-19 cases in Indonesia. This condition is exacerbated by the fact that, Pekanbaru is also one of the cities with the highest number of receiving refugees in Indonesia. Using qualitative research methods, this paper argues that the acceptance of refugees by Indonesia on humanitarian principles is in line with the identity that has been shown as defenders of human rights. To maintain this identity, in terms of handling COVID-19 with refugees, it would be better if Indonesia adapted policies that were adaptive and sensitive to minority groups, in this case asylum seekers in Pekanbaru.]]>
<![CDATA[Aspek Human Security dalam Pembatasan Masuknya Orang Asing ke Indonesia karena Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sande, Junior Perdana]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43541
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze Indonesia’s Immigration policy in restricting the arrival of foreigners due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Through a qualitative research method and descriptive analysis approach, it can be explained how the concept of human security and state sovereignty affects the making and implementation of a series of policies to restrict the arrival of foreigners to Indonesia during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author seeks to provide an analysis of how the Covid-19 pandemic has become a real threat to global human security and how the Indonesian government seeks to protect the Indonesian people by limiting the arrival of foreigners to minimize the spread of Covid-19. The Indonesian government does not take a lockdown policy, but prefers policies that can protect health while protecting the economic activities of the Indonesian people. In the ‘New Normal’ way, Indonesia’s immigration policies continue to adapt to support economic recovery while supporting the implementation of health protocols.]]>
<![CDATA[Persembahan untuk Masa Depan Pengungsi: Resensi Buku ]]>
<![CDATA[Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43547
<![CDATA[Buku First, They Erased Our Name: A Rohingya Speaks yang ditulis Habiburahman dan Sophia Ansel menawarkan pengetahuan dari sisi perjalanan hidup korban. Cerita ini penting sebab kemiskinan, tingkat literasi rendah, dan akses teknologi yang terbatas membuat etnis Rohingya tidak mampu menghadapi penggiringan opini tentang isu Rohingya versi pemerintah Myanmar. Bersamaan dengan itu, selama ini, eksistensi kelompok minoritas sangat bergantung pada pihak lain, seperti para aktivis maupun organisasi internasional yang menyuarakan hak asasi manusia. Habiburahman ingin mendobrak semua itu. Kehadiran buku ini menegaskan: saatnya perspektif dan pengalaman seorang Rohingya berbicara kepada khalayak masyarakat global tentang apa yang sebenarnya terjadi terhadap mereka.]]>
<![CDATA[Paradiplomacy in Creating Regional Competitiveness: Case Study of Jember Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Fathun, Laode Muhamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43542
<![CDATA[This paper describes the paradiplomacy of the Jember Regency. This paper shows that the Jember Regency’s paradiplomacy through city diplomacy can act as an actor who can cooperate with countries such as Japan and Canada in various fields in order to be a safe and comfortable regency. In doing so, the local government seeks to create international connections through sister cities and smart cities. This effort is a strategy to enter the digital era, which demands more innovative and creative regions. Jember Regency uses a conservative type of paradiplomacy which in line with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the foreign relations coordinator. Thus, the relationship built is in the form of a joint coordinator formula and parallel harmony between the capital city and the local government. In addition, educational cooperation was conducted by the University of Jember as a form of soft power to introduce many foreigners’ artistic identity, values, and local culture. ]]>
<![CDATA[Hubungan Luar Negeri Provinsi Maluku dengan Selandia Baru dalam Mengembangkan Energi Terbarukan ]]>
<![CDATA[Anwar, Abdullah Randika]]>;
<![CDATA[Dermawan, Windy]]>;
<![CDATA[Affandy, RMT Nurhasan]]>;
<![CDATA[Alam, Gilang Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43543
<![CDATA[Maluku Province is one of the regions that has the potential for renewable energy resources which are quite abundant, but they have not been utilized properly due to various obstacles and challenges in the region. In order to overcome the existing problems, Maluku Province has established foreign relations with the Government of New Zealand through the New Zealand Booking program - Maluku Access to Renewable Energy Support (NZMATES) starting from April 2018 to June 2023. This research aims to describe how the efforts taken by the Maluku Provincial Government and the New Zealand Government in developing renewable energy in the Maluku region. By using qualitative methods with data techniques through literature studies and internet-based document searches, this article argues that through the establishment of foreign relations between Maluku Province and New Zealand through the formation of NZMATES it can help and facilitate the process of developing renewable energy in the Maluku region. NZMATES can create a more competent work environment by engaging with several agencies with regional interests to participate in developing renewable energy in Maluku Province.]]>
<![CDATA[Mengapa Rezim Internasional Gagal? Analisis Legalisasi “Lima Poin Konsensus ASEAN” tentang Myanmar Pasca Kudeta Militer 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-37 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.46733
<![CDATA[Assessing the effectiveness of international regimes has become a central topic for scholars and policymakers. Realist argues that national interests determine whether or not states comply with international regimes. This article offers an alternative account by analyzing the anatomy of the agreement. Using the case study of the “ASEAN Five-Point Consensus” on Myanmar, this article employs the concept of legalization derived from institutionalist theory which is used to assess the degree of institutionalization of the international agreements characterized by three dimensions; obligation, precision, and delegation. The central thesis of this article is that the “ASEAN FivePoint Consensus” on Myanmar is a sort of soft law due to its strong weakness in three dimensions. It implies that the agreement will not be properly implemented by ASEAN member countries, especially by Myanmar’s military junta. This article concludes that the effectiveness of the “ASEAN Five-Point Consensus” on Myanmar depends not only on the states’ national interests but also on the degree of institutionalization of this agreement. The soft law character of this agreement is strongly influenced by the culture of ASEAN’s decision-making mechanism which puts a strong emphasis on the consensus in crafting non-obligatory agreements.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Keimigrasian Indonesia terhadap Negara yang Tidak Memiliki Hubungan Diplomatik: Studi Kasus Israel dan Taiwan ]]>
<![CDATA[Junior Perdana Sande]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-37 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.46734
<![CDATA[This paper provides an analysis of Indonesia’s immigration policies towards Israel and Taiwan, two countries that do not have official diplomatic relations with Indonesia. Immigration policy analysis will focus on the implementation of Indonesia’s selective policy towards foreigners such as applications for entry permits (visas), inspections at Immigration Checkpoints (TPI), supervision of foreigners, and enforcement of Indonesian immigration laws. Through qualitative research methods and descriptive analysis approaches, it can be explained how the concept of national interest is able to influence Indonesia’s decision not to open diplomatic relations with Israel and Taiwan. The differences in background that affect the absence of diplomatic relations have finally contributed to the differences in the policy of granting the Visa of the Republic of Indonesia to citizens of Israel and Taiwan who want to enter the sovereignty territory of the State of Indonesia. The Covid-19 pandemic situation also influenced the policy of granting the visit visa. There are no differences in security enforcement policies at Immigration Checkpoints and immigration control, as well as law enforcement through immigration administration actions between Israeli and Taiwanese citizens and foreigners from other countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Paradiplomacy dalam Presidensi G20 Indonesia: Studi Kasus Diplomasi Kota Jakarta pada Urban 20 ]]>
<![CDATA[Laode Muhammad Fathun]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-37 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.48185
<![CDATA[This article aims to explain the role of paradiplomacy in utilizing the Indonesian presidency in the G20. Using the case study of the Provincial Government of DKI Jakarta, this article argues that the role of DKI Jakarta’s paradiplomacy through city diplomacy has the opportunity to get positive results. This can be seen from the role of Jakarta as an actor in city diplomacy capable of conducting city-level diplomacy at U20. This diplomacy aims to discuss strategic issues at the city level such as mobilization, health, labor, Covid 19 and other issues. With city diplomacy, it is able to become a means of sharing experiences between cities in the world to solve a number of strategic problems at the city level. In addition, Jakarta can play a role as a safe, comfortable place to live through a number of strategic policies, especially in the environmental field. The role of this paradiplomacy through urban diplomacy is a form of motivation, strategy, level of collaboration and level of involvement to assist the central government in solving increasingly complex world problems.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Indonesia dalam Mendorong Prioritisasi Perekonomian Negara Berkembang melalui G20: Perspektif Hyper-Globalist ]]>
<![CDATA[Ervin Ramadhan Imannulloh]]>;
<![CDATA[Najamuddin Khairur Rijal]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-37 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.48186
<![CDATA[This study aims to discuss the role of Indonesia in the G20 as a representative of developing countries in designing global economic policies with priorities for developing countries. In addition, this study examines Indonesia’s involvement in the G20 which has always been pro-active in drafting global economic policies. Furthermore, this article will discuss Indonesia’s strategic position in the 2022 G20 Presidency. This article also tries to prove that the cooperation carried out by countries in the world benefits all parties. This is a rebuttal to the skeptics’ statement that cooperation only benefits developed countries. The concept used in this research is the globalist concept using the neoliberal institutionalism theory. This article uses a descriptive method with literature study research techniques. The results of this study found that the designs of Indonesia’s economic policies in the G20 had a major impact on the sustainability of the economic growth of other developing countries. In addition, the results of this study will also prove that cooperation in the form of an international forum such as the G20 benefits all parties, as stated by the hyper-globalists.]]>
<![CDATA[Aplikasi Model Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia terhadap Brasil dalam Meningkatkan Ekspor Minyak Nabati Periode 2017-2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Al Bahits Annef]]>;
<![CDATA[Shanti Darmastuti]]>;
<![CDATA[Andi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-37 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.48184
<![CDATA[This paper mainly tries to explore the new Model of Indonesian Economic Diplomacy to Non-Traditional Market by Setiawan & Sulastri (2020) with a study case of increasing vegetable oil export to Brazil. Brazil is one of the main targets of Indonesia’s export-development policy to non-traditional markets. The main concern of this paper is how economic diplomacy plays a role in reacting to the declining trend of vegetable oil exports as Indonesia’s leading export product to Brazil during 2016-2020. This paper is a descriptive qualitative research using simple trade calculations to justify Indonesian exports orientation. This paper found there are at least 6 driving factors for the implementation of economic diplomacy, 3 prominent actors for conducting economic diplomacy and 8 processes of economic diplomacy. Indonesia has successfully increased the export trend of vegetable oil to Brazil in the period of 2017-2021, however specific economic diplomacy efforts to encourage vegetable oil exports were identified as minimum.]]>
