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All Journal Paradigma: Jurnal Masalah Sosial, Politik, dan Kebijakan POLITIK JAWI : Journal of Southeast Asia Islamic Contemporary Issues E-Dimas: Jurnal Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Journal on Education Jurnal Arajang SOSIOLOGI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya International Journal of Social Service and Research INDEPENDEN: Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global Journal of Government Science Studies Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies Kajian Ilmu Sosial Jurnal Kajian Stratejik Ketahanan Nasional Media Riset Bisnis Ekonomi Sains dan Terapan HUMANUS : Jurnal Sosiohumaniora Nusantara Jejak digital: Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora
Hamka
Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta
Religion Aerospace Engineering Arts Humanities Computer Science & IT Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Health Professions Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Library & Information Science Neuroscience Social Sciences Other

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PATOLOGI KELEMBAGAAN DEMOKRASI ELEKTORAL: KORUPSI POLITIK DI INDONESIA PASCA-REFORMASI Noer, Hamka Hendra
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 9, No 1 (2025)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v9i1.6285

Abstract

The 1998 Reformasi represents a pivotal shift in Indonesia's political evolution, directing the nation towards electoral democracy with aspirations for transparent and accountable governance. However, this transition has paradoxically entrenched political corruption within the democratic framework rather than mitigating it. This article investigates political corruption as an institutional pathology inherent in electoral democracy, highlighting the influences of weak institutions, dependency on patronage, and a deficiency in political ethics that foster transactional practices within procedural democracy. The theoretical framework used is derived from Nye, Friedrich, and Philp, who conceptualize corruption as a socio-political phenomenon that surpasses legalistic definitions. A comparative analysis between developed and semi-democratic nations illustrates that the effectiveness of democracy in combating corruption is significantly contingent upon institutional consolidation, a deliberative political culture, and the presence of robust checks and balances. The findings suggest that post-Reformation of Indonesian democracy continues to grapple with issues of money politics, insufficient transparency in party financing, and weak accountability among political elites. The article argues that without comprehensive reforms—including enhanced regulatory measures, education in political ethics, and the empowerment of civil society—democracy risks degenerating into mere proceduralism that legitimizes corruption. This study contributes to the broader discourse on the intricate relationship between electoral democracy and corruption in developing countries.
HUBUNGAN KELAS MENENGAH, CIVIL SOCIETY, DAN DEMOKRASI: KAJIAN PERBANDINGAN GLOBAL DAN IMPLIKASINYA BAGI INDONESIA Hamka Hendra Noer
INDEPENDEN: Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global Vol. 6 No. 1 (2025): Vol. 6 No. 1 (2025): INDEPENDEN : Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24853/independen.6.1.21-36

Abstract

Artikel ini membahas hubungan antara pembangunan ekonomi, kelas menengah, dan civil society dalam mendorong demokratisasi, dengan fokus pada Indonesia serta perbandingan dengan negara maju dan berkembang. Berdasarkan kerangka modernisasi dan pemikiran Seymour Martin Lipset, demokrasi cenderung stabil di masyarakat yang memiliki tingkat kemakmuran, pendidikan, industrialisasi, dan urbanisasi yang tinggi. Di negara maju, kelas menengah berkembang melalui mekanisme pasar yang kompetitif, sehingga mereka relatif independen secara ekonomi dan aktif mendorong reformasi politik. Sebaliknya, di Indonesia, kelas menengah banyak terbentuk melalui patronase negara, sehingga perannya dalam proses demokratisasi terbatas dan cenderung mempertahankan status quo. Kajian ini juga menyoroti civil society sebagai alternatif jalur demokratisasi ketika kelas menengah tidak berfungsi secara optimal. Pengalaman dari Eropa Timur, Prancis, Jerman, dan Amerika Latin menunjukkan bahwa civil society dapat memperkuat ruang publik, partisipasi politik, dan pengawasan terhadap kekuasaan negara maupun pasar. Dalam konteks Indonesia, keberhasilan civil society bergantung pada kemampuannya membangun jaringan lintas kelas, menjaga independensi dari negara, dan mempertahankan kebebasan sipil. Temuan ini menegaskan bahwa demokratisasi yang berkelanjutan memerlukan sinergi antara basis ekonomi yang kuat, kelas menengah yang independen, dan civil society yang dinamis. Kata kunci: Kelas Menengah, Patronase Politik, Civil Society
Religion and Anticorruption Governance in Indonesia Noer, Hamka Hendra
JURNAL JAWI Vol 8 No 2 (2025): Islam, Social Dynamics, and Modernity
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24042/00202582858900

Abstract

This article examines the relationship between religiosity and corruption in post-Reform Indonesia, positioning religion as both a normative foundation and an ethical framework for governance. Historically, the principle of Belief in the One and Only God enshrined in Pancasila aimed to reinforce moral integrity within state administration. However, recent political developments indicate an increasing appropriation of religious values, undermining their effectiveness as genuine moral guides in political power. Through a qualitative literature review and cross-national comparative analysis, this study explores the connections among religious values, moral consciousness, and the quality of political institutions. The findings reveal that Islamic ethical principles such as ghulul (misappropriation of public resources), risywah(bribery), and khianat (betrayal of trust) strongly condemn abuses of power and violations of public trust; however, they are insufficient to combat corruption without robust institutional support. Comparative analysis with advanced democracies, including Germany, Japan, and Scandinavian countries, demonstrates that governance integrity is primarily maintained by the rule of law, a transparent political culture, and accountable institutions, rather than by high levels of societal religiosity. Conversely, in developing countries like Indonesia and Bangladesh, high religiosity often coexists with social tolerance toward corruption due to weak law enforcement and entrenched patronage-based political cultures. This study emphasizes the need for a dual strategy to combat corruption in Indonesia: internalizing religious moral values at the individual level while strengthening political institutions to enhance transparency, accountability, and support for substantive democracy. Practically, these findings highlight the importance of integrating religious ethical values into anticorruption policies, bureaucratic reforms, and the enhancement of law enforcement institutions to promote sustainable and integrity-based governance.
DELIBERATIVE LEADERSHIP AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY: OPERATIONALIZING HABERMAS’S THEORY IN POST-REFORM INDONESIA Noer, Hamka Hendra
SOSIOLOGI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya Vol. 27 No. 2 (2025): SOSIOLOGI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya
Publisher : Jurusan Sosiologi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23960/sosiologi.v27i2.2147

Abstract

Studies of deliberative democracy in Indonesia have yet to comprehensively investigate the influence of leadership on the quality of deliberation and its subsequent impact on political legitimacy. This gap creates a disjunction between normative ideals and the empirical realities of post-Reform political practices. This article analyzes the role of deliberative leadership in bolstering political legitimacy by operationalizing Jürgen Habermas's theoretical framework-communicative rationality, the public sphere, and communicative power-into empirically assessable indicators. Employing a rigorous qualitative methodology, this study undertakes a systematic review of academic publications, policy reports, and institutional documents published between 2015 and 2024. Data are analyzed using descriptive-analytical techniques informed by a deliberative systems perspective. The findings indicate that, notwithstanding the expansion of participatory mechanisms in the post-Reform era, deliberative practices in Indonesia remain largely procedural and symbolic. Institutional arenas such as Musrenbang, citizen forums, and digital public spaces exhibit deliberative potential but are constrained by oligarchic dominance, structural inequality, a weak legal culture, and institutional cooptation. The primary contribution of this article is the formulation of four operational indicators of deliberative leadership-participatory inclusiveness, quality of argumentation, transparency of policy reasoning, and institutional responsiveness-that advance deliberative democracy scholarship and provide an evaluative framework for strengthening political legitimacy and substantive democracy in Indonesia.
The Politics of Unity in Malaysia: A Case Study of the 15th Malaysian General Election 2022 Achmad Zahir Budiman; Hamka Hendra Noer
Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies Vol. 5 No. 8 (2025): Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies
Publisher : Green Publisher Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59188/eduvest.v5i8.50986

Abstract

The 15th Malaysian General Election in 2022 is a democratic celebration in Malaysia which is held every five years. What was interesting about the 15th General Election was the political drama, because there were no political parties or coalitions that achieved a minimum majority, namely 122 seats out of 222 seats. Barisan Nasional and UMNO conducted a Unity Kingdom with Pakatan Harapan after the 15th General Election. In this research, researchers looked at qualitative methods for this case. Unity Politics is considered to be a new political constellation in Malaysia. This is because UMNO and Barisan Nasional have more experience than the other competing parties. Therefore, this research looks at how Pakatan Harapan was able to win in the 15th General Election and the joining of Barisan Nasional-UMNO to Pakatan Harapan.
Revitalizing the Deliberative Function of Political Parties within Indonesia’s Substantive Democracy Hamka Hendra Noer
Journal of Government Science Studies Vol 4 No 2 (2025): Oktober 2025
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Pemerintahan, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Pattimura

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30598/jgssvol4issue2page128-140

Abstract

In the last two decades, discussions surrounding deliberative democracy have significantly increased the rational dialogue, equitable participation, and the cultivation of reflective public opinion in the realm of political decision-making. Nonetheless, the current academic literature has largely ignored the role of political parties as institutional actors that bridge the gap between the government and society. This article addresses this oversight by critically examining the substantive role of political parties within the context of deliberative democracy, along with proposing avenues for institutional reform aimed at fostering a more inclusive democratic process. Through a comprehensive analytical method of literature review and cross-country comparisons, this study investigates the deliberative capacities of political parties in the United States, Europe (with particular emphasis on Germany and Scandinavia), and Indonesia. The findings indicate that European political parties have been relatively successful in integrating public discourse forums into their internal frameworks, whereas in the United States, the process of deliberation is frequently obstructed by ideological polarization and economic hegemony. On the other hand, Indonesia encountered patronage politics, weak institutionalization, and a transactional political culture as their main challenges. The study concludes that the absence of a robust internal deliberative infrastructure substantially contributes to the crisis of party representation. This research emphasises on reintegrating the role of political parties as facilitators of public discourse, rather than relegating them to the status of mere electoral machines. Strategic recommendations include the implementation of internal structural reforms, the development of idea-driven party cadres, and the fostering of stronger partnerships with civil society to enhance substantive democracy.
ANALISIS KELAYAKAN FINANSIAL DAN SENSITIVITAS INVESTASI PADA USAHA KIOS DIMSUM’S AND NGEMILS DENGAN MODAL TERBATAS Muhammad Mahitala Aruna; Ali Hamka Al Kindi; Muhammad Quraish Fadhil; Damar Jaya Kusuma
Media Riset Bisnis Ekonomi Sains dan Terapan Vol 4, No 2 (2025): Media Riset Bisnis Ekonomi Sains dan Terapan
Publisher : Taksasila Edukasi Insani

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.71312/mrbest.v4i2.753

Abstract

This study analyzes the financial feasibility and investment sensitivity of the micro culinary business “Dimsum and Ngemils,” planned with an initial capital of IDR 10,000,000. Using a financial feasibility approach, the analysis includes funding estimation, cash flow projection, break-even point (BEP) calculation, cost of capital, investment evaluation through NPV, IRR, and Payback Period, as well as sensitivity analysis of key variables. The results show that with a simple capital structure sourced mainly from personal funds and limited external financing, the business is financially feasible and capable of returning the initial investment within approximately five to six months. The positive NPV and IRR of 26% indicate good profitability potential. However, sensitivity analysis demonstrates that the business is vulnerable to fluctuations in raw material prices and sales levels, which significantly affect net profit. Therefore, efficient cost control, accurate cash flow management, and periodic product innovation are essential strategies to maintain financial stability. This study provides practical recommendations for micro and small culinary entrepreneurs to improve financial management, strengthen data-based investment planning, and enhance the long-term sustainability of their businesses. Keywords :business feasibility study, cash flow, BEP, cost of capital, MSMEs, sensitivity analysis
Kepentingan Nasional Indonesia dalam Kerja Sama Kendaraan Listrik dan Hilirisasi Nikel dengan Tiongkok Asep Setiawan; Hamka Hamka; Latifah Latifah; Indah Eka Priyanto; Danu Prasetyo
Jejak digital: Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Vol. 2 No. 5 (2026): AGUSTUS-SEPTEMBER
Publisher : INDO PUBLISHING

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.63822/cfm7k738

Abstract

  Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menelaah kerja sama kendaraan listrik antara Indonesia dan Tiongkok pada periode 2019–2026 sebagai instrumen pencapaian kepentingan nasional Indonesia. Permasalahan yang diangkat adalah belum optimalnya konversi cadangan nikel menjadi penguasaan teknologi, modal manusia, dan posisi geoekonomi meskipun investasi asal Tiongkok telah melampaui USD 30 miliar. Menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan desain studi kasus tunggal, artikel ini memadukan teori kepentingan nasional Donald E. Nuechterlein, geoeconomics, dan economic statecraft untuk menganalisis kerja sama EV secara berlapis. Hasil analisis menunjukkan lima dimensi kepentingan nasional: ekonomi-investasi, teknologi-industrialisasi, keamanan energi, sosial-lingkungan-ketenagakerjaan, dan geopolitik. Indonesia memiliki daya tawar berbasis nikel dan pasar domestik, namun menghadapi kesenjangan teknologi, dominasi modal asing, serta tantangan lingkungan hidup. Artikel mengajukan Model Kepentingan Nasional Berlapis sebagai kerangka teoretis baru yang mengintegrasikan kelima dimensi tersebut. Implikasi praktis menunjukkan perlunya strategi diversifikasi mitra, penguatan regulasi alih teknologi, dan reformasi tata kelola lingkungan agar kerja sama EV benar-benar berorientasi pada transformasi industri jangka panjang.
INDONESIA IN BRICS: MIDDLE-POWER STATUS SEEKING AND NORM ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE REFORM Hamka; Asep Setiawan; Meti Mediyastuti Sofyan; Khalid Maulana; Cahya Wardha Tul-Jannah
Kajian Ilmu Sosial Vol. 7 No. 1 (2026): KAIS: Kajian Ilmu Sosial
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24853/kais.7.159-72.32759

Abstract

This article examines Indonesia's political and diplomatic interests in full BRICS membership, with particular attention to two underexplored dimensions: status seeking as a middle power and the potential for norm entrepreneurship in global governance reform. Indonesia declared its intention to join BRICS at the Kazan summit in October 2024 and was formally announced as a full member on 6 January 2025. Rather than interpreting accession simply as alignment against the West, the article argues that Indonesia treats BRICS as an additional, non-exclusive arena through which to pursue reform of the United Nations, the international financial architecture, multilateral trade, climate finance, and the representation of the Global South. The study adopts an interpretive qualitative case-study design informed by middle-power theory, role theory, and status-seeking theory. It analyses the 2024 Kazan and 2025 Rio de Janeiro declarations, Indonesian government statements through June 2026, and author-generated semi-structured interview material. The findings indicate that Indonesia claims four interconnected roles: representative voice of developing countries, bridgebuilder between BRICS and other institutions, advocate of strategic diversification, and promoter of reformist multilateralism. However, textual congruence between Indonesian positions and BRICS declarations should not be treated as proof of causal influence. Indonesia's substantive impact remains constrained by consensus decision-making, internal heterogeneity, and the limited institutionalization of its own BRICS initiatives. The article develops the concept of status-to-influence conversion to explain how formal membership status may, or may not, become agenda-setting capacity and concrete diplomatic outcomes
Perspektif Middle Power Indonesia dalam Kerja Sama Kendaraan Listrik dengan Tiongkok (2019–2026) Asep Setiawan; Hamka Hamka; Latifah Latifah; Indah Eka Priyanto; Danu Prasetyo
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Vol. 2 No. 3 (2026): JULI-SEPTEMBER
Publisher : Indo Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.63822/z5snnp37

Abstract

Artikel ini menganalisis otonomi strategis Indonesia dalam kerja sama sektor kendaraan listrik (electric vehicle/EV) dengan Tiongkok pada periode 2019–2026, dengan fokus pada masa pemerintahan Prabowo Subianto (2024–2026). Meskipun Indonesia berhasil menarik lebih dari USD 30 miliar investasi, dominasi modal Tiongkok yang menguasai lebih dari 65% rantai nilai EV nasional menimbulkan pertanyaan mengenai sejauh mana otonomi strategis Jakarta dapat dipertahankan dalam hubungan asimetris tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan tiga kerangka teori yang diintegrasikan secara terpadu—middle power theory, strategic autonomy framework, dan two-level game theory—serta desain studi kasus tunggal (single-country case study) dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Data sekunder berupa dokumen kebijakan, laporan lembaga internasional, dan artikel jurnal peer-review periode 2019–2026 dianalisis melalui interpretive policy analysis. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa otonomi strategis Indonesia bersifat domain-spesifik dan bertingkat: kuat secara formal di seluruh domain kebijakan, kuat secara substantif pada tataran kebijakan makro dan segmen perakitan kendaraan, namun lemah secara struktural pada segmen sel baterai yang paling strategis. Artikel ini memperkenalkan konsep instrumental multilateralisme sebagai mekanisme spesifik kekuatan menengah dalam mengelola asimetri bilateral dan memberikan rekomendasi kebijakan yang terkalibrasi secara empiris bagi Indonesia dan negara-negara Global South lain.
Co-Authors Abdul Rahman Achmad Zahir Budiman Ali Noer Zaman Asep Setiawan Cahya Wardha Tul-Jannah Cecep Effendi Damar Jaya Kusuma Danu Prasetyo Djoni Gunanto Galuh Artika Suri Indah Eka Priyanto Khalid Maulana Latifah Latifah Meti Mediyastuti Sofyan Muhammad Mahitala Aruna Muhammad Quraish Fadhil Muhammad Sahrul Muhammad Yusuf Saputra Mulkan Habibi Setra, Raka Yudi Sri Yunanto