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Faktor Kegagalan Pemerintah Hindia Belanda Dalam Mempertahankan Wilayah Kolonialnya di Nusantara Jafar Ahmad
Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah Vol 5, No 2 (2022): Pengembangan Materi dalam Pembelajaran Sejarah
Publisher : Prodi. Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI dan APPS (Asosiasi peneliti dan Pendidik Sejarah)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.17509/historia.v5i2.44145

Kerajaan Belanda diklaim telah mengontrol Nusantara--sebutan Indonesia sebelum kemerdekaan--, lebih dari 350 tahun. Diawali dari kedatangan VOC pada awal abad ke-17 (Maret 1602), kemudian tegaknya Pemerintah Hindia Belanda pada tahun 1850--sejumlah literatur menyebutkan tahun 1800--yang berpusat di Batavia, sebutan Jakarta di masa lampau. Setelah ratusan tahun berkuasa di Nusantara, Belanda gagal mempertahankan wilayah jajahannya, dimulai sejak Nusantara dikuasai Jepang pada tahun 1942. Memanfaatkan momentum kekalahan Jepang dari Amerika Serikat pada 1945, Belanda hendak mencoba kembali menguasai Indonesia--setelah kemerdekaan 17 Agustus 1945--, melalui serangkaian agresi militer sebanyak dua kali (agresi militer I tahun 1947 dan agresi militer II tahun 1948). Tapi, segigih apapun perjuangan itu, Belanda tetap gagal mengembalikan kedigdayaannya di Indonesia, seperti yang pernah diukir di masa lampau. Apa yang menyebabkan Belanda gagal mempertahankan wilayah jajahannya di Nusantara? Faktor-faktor apa saja yang mempengaruhi kegagalan tersebut? Penelitian ini secara khusus menjawab pertanyaan tersebut. Data riset ini diperoleh melalui kajian pustaka, baik melalui analisis terhadap jurnal, buku maupun berita di media massa. Penelitian ini menunjukkan sejumlah faktor kegagalan Belanda dalam mempertahankan wilayah jajahannya di Indonesia. Pertama, terjadinya krisis ekonomi di negera Belanda pada tahun 1930an yang memicu terjadinya konflik dan perpecahan kelompok elit di kerajaan Belanda. Konflik mencapai puncaknya ketika kelompok Kristen berhasil menguasai kursi parlemen dan menyingkirkan kelompok liberal dan komunis yang sudah berkuasa selama 50 tahun. Krisis ekonomi, konflik dan perpecahan kelompok elit di negeri Belanda itu pada akhirnya mempengaruhi wilayah kolonialnya sehingga menjadi sulit dikontrol. Kedua, terjadinya mobilisasi sumber daya, dimana Jepang turut mengerahkan persenjataan untuk membantu rakyat Nusantara yang ingin melepaskan diri dari cengkraman penjajah. Jepang mengajarkan rakyat cara berperang dan menggunakan senjata. Kemudian massa sangat mudah dimobilisir karena peran kelompok ulama yang mengkonsentrasikan gerakan perlawanan dari pondok pesantren. Mobilisasi massa relative mudah dijalankan karena, umat Islam yang merupakan mayoritas di Nusantara, tidak ingin Belanda yang dianggap pemerintahan Kristen itu kembali berkuasa dan menyengsarakan umat Islam. Ketiga, adanya konstruksi isu kemerdekaan yang sudah dijalankan oleh tokoh-tokoh pergerakan, dimulai pada masa Soekarno, Hatta, dan wacana kemerdekaan itu terus dibangun secara massive oleh kelompok Islam melalui pondok-pondok pesantren.

TITLE WALIYUL AMRI ADH-DHARURI BI SYAUKAH AS NU’S SUPPORT TO SOEKARNO IN GUIDED DEMOCRACY 1959-1965 Asa’ari Asa’ari; Jafar Ahmad; Andri Nurjaman; Doli Witro; Raid Alghani
Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion Vol 7, No 2 (2022): Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion
Publisher : Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Agama Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18784/analisa.v7i2.1784

The Nahdlatul Ulama Party is one of the Islamic parties that became a loyalist party to President Soekarno during the implementation of guided democracy. This is because the political strategy used by the NU Party is a realistic political strategy and tends to be accommodating and cooperative in dealing with President Soekarno’s new political situation, namely guided democracy. So that after the NU Party decided to accept guided democracy, the return of the 1945 Constitution, and the Nasakom and Manipol-Usdek, the NU party supported the leadership of President Soekarno, one of its supports was the awarding of a charter with the title waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah from Nahdlatul Ulama to President Soekarno. This paper aims to reveal the waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah title charter as moral support from the Nahdlatul Ulama Party to the leadership of President Soekarno during the guided democracy. The method used in this study is the historical method, while the approach used is the hermeneutic theory of Paul Ricoeur. The results of the study show that the waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah charter is a form of moral support from the Nahdlatul Ulama Party for the leadership of President Soekarno, so it has legitimized that the government led by President Soekarno himself is a legitimate government according to the eyes of fiqh law. This charter is also the basis for acceptance and support from the NU Party for President Soekarno and his guided democracy.

Transformation of the political struggle model at the village level due to the fight for village fund resources: A case study of village head elections before and after the enactment of UU Desa Number 6 of 2014 Jafar Ahmad; Heri Herdiawanto; Laode Harjudin
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 36 No. 1 (2023): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V36I12023.141-155

This study captures how the Village Law (UU) Number 6 of 2014 has radically changed political behavior at the village level. The political dynamics involved several former DPRD members, former KPU members, and local businessmen in the succession arena for the Village Head Election (Pilkades), in which conditions were rarely encountered in previous times. This study analyzed how changes occurred as they were triggered by the struggle for resources due to the allocation of village funds (DD). This study uses qualitative research methods. Data were collected through interviews with actors who contested in village elections, documentation, and literature studies. The results of this study show how changes in political behavior at the village level only occur after the Village Law is enacted. This study concludes that the Village Law number 6 of 2014 has shifted the political behavior of rural communities as evidenced by the massive circulation of money politics which has led to tense political battles. This study also concludes that the Village Law entices political actors and local businessmen to participate in the contest to seize the power of the village head.

Krisis Akulturasi dan Komodifikasi Agama dalam Konflik Adat Rencong Telang Kerinci Jafar Ahmad; Nuzul Iskandar
Jurnal Penelitian Volume 19 Nomor 1 2022
Publisher : LPPM UIN K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid Pekalongan

This article is intended to analyze the role and position of religion in the Rencong Telang customary conflict in Kerinci Regency, Jambi, which has given rise to the dualism of customary institutions. There are two points of concern that will be highlighted in this article. First, religion and customs are facing an acculturation crisis. Second, efforts to commodify religion in winning the contestation. This study uses qualitative data obtained through interviews, observations, and document studies and then analyzed descriptively. The results showed that the Rencong Telang customary conflict took place when the role and position of religion weakened in the social order so that religion was unable to build reconciliation when adat was in conflict. This condition threatens the acculturation of religion and customs of Rencong Telang, which has been created for a long time and is reflected in the philosophy of “adat bersendi syara’, syara’ bersendi kitabullah.” Furthermore, religion in a vacuum is also vulnerable to being used as a commodity to seize influence and win conflicts by one or both parties.

NAHDLATUL ULAMA IN FACING THE GUIDE DEMOCRACY 1959-1965: An Overview of Social and Political Factors Hidayat, Asep Achmad; Nurjaman, Andri; Ahmad, Jafar; Witro, Doli; Alghani, Raid
Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan Vol 20 No 2 (2022): Bahasa Inggris
Publisher : Center for Research and Development of Religious Literature and Heritage, Agency for Research and Development and Training, Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia

ABSTRACT Nahdlatul Ulama is one of the Islamic political parties that took part in the national political arena during President Soekarno's time from parliamentary democracy to the transition period from parliamentary democÂracy to guided democracy. NU's progress was closely related to its social and political factors which required NU to accept and integrate into President Soekarno's new government system. This paper aims to reveal the social and political factors that enabled NU to face and then accept guided democracy. This article employed a qualitative approach, particuÂlarly the historical study method. In tracing the socio-religious history in this study, the stages of heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiogÂraphy were taken. The results showed that NU's social factors in dealing with guided democracy were due to the presence of the PKI which was so strong in national politics and so close to President Soekarno. To deal with the PKI, like it or not, NU had to enter the government in order to resist the PKI and divert President Soekarno's inclination towards NU. MeanÂwhile, the political factor was to maintain NU's position in government, where had always received a share. NU efforts were done solely to protect Muslims, especially ahlussunnah waljamaah an-nahdliyah. Keywords: Guided Democracy, Nahdlatul Ulama, Socio-Political Factors. Â ABSTRAK Nahdlatul Ulama merupakan salah satu partai politik Islam yang berkiprah di kancah perpolitikan nasional masa Presiden Soekarno sejak demokrasi parlementer bahkan mampu bertahan pada masa transisi dari demokrasi parlementer ke demokrasi terpimpin. Hal ini karena ada faktor sosial dan politik yang mengharuskan NU menerima dan masuk pada sistem pemerintahan baru Presiden Soekarno. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap faktor sosial dan politik yang memungkiakan NU menghaÂdapi dan kemudian menerima demokrasi terpimpin. Artikel ini menggunaÂkan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan metodi studi sejarah. Dalam meneluÂsuri sejarah sosial keagamaan dalam penelitian ini, ditempuh tahapan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjuÂkan bahwa faktor sosial NU dalam menghadapi demokrasi terpimpin karena adanya eksistensi PKI yang begitu kuat dalam politik nasional dan kedekatannya dengan Presiden Soekarno. Untuk menghadapi PKI maka NU mau tidak mau harus masuk dalam pemerintahan dalam rangka membendung PKI dan mengalihkan kecenderungan Presiden Soekarno kepada NU. Sedangkan faktor politik adalah untuk mempertahankan kedudukan NU di pemerintahan yang sejak zaman demokrasi parlementer NU selalu mendapatkan jatah, hal ini dilakukan semata-mata untuk menjaga dan melindungi umat Islam khususnya ahlisunnah waljamaah an-nahdliyah. Â Kata kunci: Demokrasi Terpimpin Faktor Sosial-Politik, Nahdlatul Ulama.

TITLE WALIYUL AMRI ADH-DHARURI BI SYAUKAH AS NU’S SUPPORT TO SOEKARNO IN GUIDED DEMOCRACY 1959-1965 Asa’ari, Asa’ari; Ahmad, Jafar; Nurjaman, Andri; Witro, Doli; Alghani, Raid
Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion Vol 7, No 2 (2022): Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion
Publisher : Balai Penelitian dan Pengembangan Agama Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18784/analisa.v7i2.1784

The Nahdlatul Ulama Party is one of the Islamic parties that became a loyalist party to President Soekarno during the implementation of guided democracy. This is because the political strategy used by the NU Party is a realistic political strategy and tends to be accommodating and cooperative in dealing with President Soekarno’s new political situation, namely guided democracy. So that after the NU Party decided to accept guided democracy, the return of the 1945 Constitution, and the Nasakom and Manipol-Usdek, the NU party supported the leadership of President Soekarno, one of its supports was the awarding of a charter with the title waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah from Nahdlatul Ulama to President Soekarno. This paper aims to reveal the waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah title charter as moral support from the Nahdlatul Ulama Party to the leadership of President Soekarno during the guided democracy. The method used in this study is the historical method, while the approach used is the hermeneutic theory of Paul Ricoeur. The results of the study show that the waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah charter is a form of moral support from the Nahdlatul Ulama Party for the leadership of President Soekarno, so it has legitimized that the government led by President Soekarno himself is a legitimate government according to the eyes of fiqh law. This charter is also the basis for acceptance and support from the NU Party for President Soekarno and his guided democracy.

Trend and Contestation of Religious Discourse Post “Perppu Ormas” at Islamic College Jambi Ahmad, Jafar; Mahmud Wafi; Hayat, Ade Putra; Herdiawanto, Heri; Hidayat, Taufiq
KARSA Journal of Social and Islamic Culture Vol. 30 No. 1 (2022)
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri Madura

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19105/karsa.v30i1.6130

Government Regulation instead of Law (Perppu) for Ormas No. 2 of 2017 has shown its implications for religious activities and discourses at IAIN Kerinci and UIN Sultan Thaha Saifuddin Jambi. The argument of this research departs from the tendency of campus elements to strengthen identity through discourse contestation after the issuance of the Perppu Ormas. This study applies a descriptive qualitative approach through observation, interviews, and document review. This study found that Perppu Ormas No. 2 of 2017 raises two different attitudes at the level of student organizations. Acceptance of the Perppu Ormas argues intending to deradicalize and strengthen moderation. Meanwhile, the voices of refusal argued that the Perppu Ormas have the potential to weaken democracy and be misused. Perppu Ormas at the leadership level was welcomed by intensifying the discourse on religious moderation and strengthening the Pancasila ideology through seminars and study centers.

DIVERSITY, ETHNIC POLITICS, AND POLICY FORMULATION IN LEGISLATIVE INSTITUTIONS: KEBERAGAMAN, POLITIK ETNIS, DAN FORMULASI KEBIJAKAN DI LEMBAGA LEGISLATIF Ahmad, Jafar; Wafi, Mahmud Hibatul; Wahdini, Muhammad
Anterior Jurnal Vol. 23 No. 2 (2024): Anterior Jurnal
Publisher : Institute for Research and Community Services Universitas Muhammadiyah Palangkaraya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33084/anterior.v23i2.6669

This research discusses how ethnic diversity in the city of Sungai Penuh, Jambi, influences the legislative body in playing its political role. Through a case study approach, this research emphasizes the interaction patterns of legislative actors in the legislative process based on ethnic relations, and it conducts interviews to generate descriptive data to reveal the cultural diversity of ethnic groups and the political expression of the legislative institution in Sungai Penuh. The research findings indicate the presence of ethnic diversity in Sungai Penuh, including the Kerinci people (79.73%), Minang (15.73%), Javanese (2.13%), Malay (0.27%), Batak (0.27%), Chinese (0.13%), and Banjar (0.07%). In addition to the Kerinci ethnic group, which is the majority, other ethnic groups are also involved in the legislative institution, such as the Minang, Javanese, and Batak. The election of Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) members from different ethnicities in Sungai Penuh is driven by the support of the same ethnic group as the dominant voters (instrumentalist approach), as well as their significant role in the community. This affects the implementation of priority programs by DPRD, which tends to accommodate the interests of their constituents. Nevertheless, the combination of dominant and minority ethnic groups provides a variety of ideas and approaches in the dynamics of ethnic politics among legislative members.

Multiculturalism and identity politics: Reading on the Religious Harmony Forum Ahmad, Jafar; Wafi, Mahmud Hibatul; Mushkalamzai, Ziaulrahman; Hadi, Al Amin
IBDA` : Jurnal Kajian Islam dan Budaya Vol. 21 No. 2 (2023): IBDA': Jurnal Kajian Islam dan Budaya
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat, Universitas Islam Negeri Profesor Kiai Haji Saifuddin Zuhri Purwokerto Purwokerto

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24090/ibda.v21i2.7885

This study looks into identity politics locally, with an emphasis on the role played by religious groups—such as the Religious Harmony Forum (Forum Kerukunan Umat Beragaman/FKUB)—in promoting multiculturalism as a countermeasure to the growth of identity politics. The study’s focus is the Kerinci Regency in Jambi, Indonesia, and it looks at how identity politics and diversity are positioned within the larger Indonesian framework. The research selectively chooses informants, such as the FKUB, the Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), traditional leaders, and religious figures, using qualitative methods like observation, interviews, and document examination. Results show that a variety of political identification patterns exist across the country according to societal culture, resources, and sociopolitical circumstances. As a result, the FKUB responds with a variety of strategies and tactics. The study also emphasizes how the discourse-centric perspective on multiculturalism hinders its ability to effectively counter identity politics. The research points up difficulties that stand in the way of achieving diversity, such as the consolidation and contestation of identity within Islam. Interfaith conflicts, however, show a downward trend and provide a more nuanced picture of the intricate relationship between identity politics and multiculturalism in Indonesia at the local level.

The Acculturation Crisis and Religious Commodification in the Customary Conflict of Rencong Telang Kerinci Ahmad, Jafar; Iskandar, Nuzul
JURNAL PENELITIAN Vol. 19 No. 1 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid Pekalongan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.28918/jupe.v19i1.5114

This study examines the role and position of religion in the Rencong Telang customary conflict in Kerinci Regency, Jambi, which has led to the dualism of customary institutions and the commodification of religious symbols. The research highlights two key concerns: first, the crisis of acculturation between Islam and local traditions; and second, the instrumentalization of religion as a commodity in power contestations. Employing a qualitative approach, this study collects data through in-depth interviews, participant observations, and document analysis, which are subsequently analyzed using an interpretive-descriptive method. The findings reveal that the customary conflict in Rencong Telang emerged as a consequence of the declining authority of religious institutions, rendering them incapable of functioning as mediators in resolving social disputes. This crisis threatens the long-established integration of Islam and adat, embodied in the philosophy of adat bersendi syara’, syara’ bersendi Kitabullah. Moreover, in the absence of religious authority, Islamic values are increasingly commodified as a tool for gaining influence and legitimacy in customary disputes. This research contributes to the academic discourse on religious acculturation by offering a critical perspective on the vulnerability of religious institutions in conflict situations. Future studies should explore the broader socio-political implications of religious commodification and its impact on indigenous cultural resilience.

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