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Considering Death Penalty for Corruptors in Law on Corruption Eradication from the Perspective of Maqāṣid al-Syarī‘ah Asa’ari, Asa’ari; Ahmad, Jafar; Zufriani, Zufriani; Witro, Doli; Kustiawan, Muhamad Taufik
Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Vol 7, No 2 (2023): Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam
Publisher : Islamic Family Law Department, Sharia and Law Faculty, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/sjhk.v7i2.14944

Abstract

The implementation of the death penalty for corruptors has never been decided by any judges throughout the history of law enforcement in Indonesia. However, Law No. 31 of 1999 jo Law No. 20 of 2001 on Corruption Eradication has established the criteria or conditions for a corruptor to be sentenced to death. This was an empirical legal study which was conducted by library research. This article examines judge decisions by a descriptive analysis. The theory used in this research was maqāṣid al-syarī‘ah. The paradigm was used to determine the dynamics of Islamic law in analysing the death penalty for corruptors. This study was based on the Social Assistance (Bansos) corruption committed by former Minister of Social Affairs, Julia Peter Batubara, during the Covid-19 pandemic. The corruption was committed by Julia Peter Batubara when there was an epidemics and national economic crisis. This study found that the death penalty for corruptors is affected by political power, allowing corrupt officials to escape the death penalty.
Dynamics of Jambi Malay Ethnic Group in The Political Contestation of Jambi Mayor Election Ahmad, Jafar; Firmanda, Hengki
Jurnal Mahkamah : Kajian Ilmu Hukum dan Hukum Islam Vol. 7 No. 2 December (2022)
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Ma'arif NU (IAIMNU) Metro Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25217/jm.v7i2.2823

Abstract

Primordial loyalty that breeds fanaticism is often used by politicians as a shortcut and easy way to gather support. By using primordial interests, politicians do not need to work hard to gain support from the people. This research seeks to explain why Jambi Malay ethnic loyalty, as the dominant group, was not formed in relation to the Mayor Election in Jambi City. What are the factors that cause Malay ethnic sentiment not to appear. The data in this study were obtained through in-depth interviews, documentation, and news in the mass media. It is possible for the results of this study to be replicated in areas outside Jambi City to see whether the ethnic Malays elsewhere also have the same cultural roots, political attitudes, and habits, or vice versa. The results of this study will provide an explanation of the theoretical implications of the political events that occurred in the city of Jambi. The results of this study can be used to predict the future of Malay ethnic politics in the midst of an electoral democratic political system that is taking place in Indonesia.  
Reactualizing Classical Islamic Power: Reinterpreting Al-Mawardi in Post-Reform Indonesian Democracy Ahmad, Jafar
Jurnal Ushuluddin Vol 33, No 1 (2025): June
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Sultan Syarif Kasim Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24014/jush.v33i1.36559

Abstract

Imam Al-Mawardi, one of the most influential political thinkers in the history of Islamic civilization, provides a robust normative framework through the concept of al-imamah in his seminal work, Al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyyah. Al-Mawardi emphasizes that power is not merely a tool for domination but a divine trust (amanah ilahiyah) that must be exercised to uphold justice, safeguard the public interest (maslahah), and protect the rights of the people. This study aims to analyze Al-Mawardi's concept of power and examine its relevance within the context of post-reform Indonesian democracy. The research employs a qualitative approach based on a literature review, utilizing a descriptive-comparative analysis technique to compare the normative framework of classical Islam with the principles of modern democracy. The findings indicate a convergence between the two systems regarding the legitimacy of power, public participation, and leadership accountability. Al-Mawardi, through the institution of ahl al-halli wa al-‘aqdi, provides a theoretical foundation for community representation in the leadership selection process, which functionally resembles elections in a democratic system. However, there are also epistemic tensions between the two, particularly concerning the source of sovereignty (God vs. the people) and the legal basis (Sharia vs. positive law). These findings reinforce the argument that classical Islamic political thought, when interpreted contextually rather than formalistically, can serve as a source of values to enhance the quality of substantive democracy in Indonesia
Models and Political Attitudes of Fundamentalist Groups in Indonesian Presidential Elections Ahmad, Jafar; Firmanda, Hengki; Wafi, Mahmud Hibatul
Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun Vol. 11 No. 2 (2023): Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun
Publisher : SCAD Independent

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26811/peuradeun.v11i2.903

Abstract

Islamic fundamentalist groups played an important role in Indonesia's 2019 presidential election. They openly sided with the number 2 candidate, Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Solahudin Uno. Even today, the presidential election was marked by polarization and religious sentiments that are very strong and sharp. This study examined the model of presidential election contestation that will likely take place in 2024, the position of fundamentalist groups in political contestation, and its relation to religious polarization trends. This qualitative research used a case study approach to explore political models and attitudes in presidential election contestation. Interest group theory was placed to analyze the issue. The results showed that the map of contestation that will occur in 2024 will still be the same as the 2019 presidential election contestation. Second, the division between religious groups will still occur in the 2024 presidential election. Third, the alignment of religious fundamentalist groups in the 2024 presidential election will lead to figures willing and able to accommodate their groups.
Presidential Decree as the Norm in Legal Politics (A Comparative of the Presidential Decree in Tunisia and Indonesia During Soekarno and Abdurrahman Wahid) Ahmad, Jafar; Fadillah, Nisaul
Al-Risalah Vol 21 No 2 (2021): December 2021
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah UIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin Jambi, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30631/alrisalah.v21i2.897

Abstract

This article investigates a legal politics in Tunisia and Indonesia focuses the fate of the presidential decree in Tunisia in the dissolution of Parliament context. Did it succeed or fail? This analysis is obtained through a comparative study of the same pattern in Indonesia, namely the presidential decree during the Soekarno leadership and Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur. The data is obtained through literature studies such as scientific books and journals. Researchers also construct the data through online media studies both at domestic and abroad. The results of this study illustrate how the pattern of the Presidential decree in Tunisia on July 27th, 2021. It has similarities with the presidential decree that occurred during the Soekarno Presidential era on July 5th, 1959. Military forces fully supported the decree that led to the dissolution of Parliament. Unlike Gus Dur, who stepped down from his post after issuing a decree. Kais Saied's decree in Tunisia is predicted to be a success and perpetuate his reign as President.