Al-Daulah : Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam
al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam (p-ISSN: 2089-0109 dan e-ISSN: 2503-0922) diterbitkan oleh Prodi Siyasah Jinayah (Hukum Tata Negara dan Hukum Pidana Islam) Fakultas Syari'ah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya pada bulan April 2011. Jurnal ini terbit setiap bulan April dan Oktober, dengan memuat kajian-kajian tentang tema hukum dan Perundangan Islam. Jurnal ini terakreditasi pada 1 Desember 2015 sesuai Keputusan Direktur Jenderal Penguatan Riset dan Pengembangan Kementerian Riset, Teknologi, dan Pendidikan Tinggi Republik Indonesia Nomor: 2/E/KPT/2015.
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370 Documents
<![CDATA[Resiliensi Anak yang Berkonflik Dengan Hukum: Refleksi Implementasi UU. No.11 Tahun 2012 Mengenai Proses Diversi ]]>
<![CDATA[nailatin fauziyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.2.194-221
<![CDATA[Settlement of child criminal cases using the restorative justice approach and diversion in accordance with Law No. 11 of 2012 is an important breakthrough in the development of criminal law processes in Indonesia. At the conceptual level, the implementation of the process takes into consideration the fulfillment of children's rights and has a concern for the child's future. To achieve the future the child must have the resilience to deal with difficult situations throughout his life journey. Likewise, children who are in conflict with the law, on the other hand they are perpetrators of crime and on the other hand they are victims of the surrounding social system. The results of this study indicate that Children in conflict with the law (ABH) who are resilient tend to get support from various parties so that they can get through difficult situations and face the future with confidence, but conversely with ABH who are not resilient. The results of this study are important notes to reflect back the implementation of Law No.11/2012 on restorative justice and diversion, because the diversion process undertaken by ABH does not differentiate their resilience levels. It is the strength of the protective factor that affects the differences in the resilience of ABH who undergo legal proceedings through diversion.]]>
<![CDATA[Konstruksi Model Wakaf Perusahaan Dalam Negara Hukum Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Lukman Santoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Miftahul Huda]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.2.222-249
<![CDATA[This study aims to explore the model of management and development of company waqf assets in Malaysia and Singapore, and their relevance to the development of company waqf construction in accordance with Indonesian waqf law and the wisdom of traditions that have developed. By using an interpretive explorative type qualitative approach, this research resulted in the finding, that the construction of the management model and development of corporate waqf assets in Indonesia in accordance with the context of Indonesian waqf law and traditional wisdom are business entities, banks, universities, foundations, hospitals, cooperative. So as to realize the strengthening of the holistic corporate waqf model in Indonesia, it is necessary to strengthen the regulatory stakeholders as well as an integrative and holistic understanding among scholars.]]>
<![CDATA[Eco-Fiqh: Pendekatan Maslahat Terhadap Amdal dan Konservasi Lingkungan ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad yusuf]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.2.250-273
<![CDATA[This study based on postulate that both maslahat and primary texts of Islam are never contaradicting essentially, where holy text is guidance for humankind for goodness of world and hereafter. Based on ‘maslahat approach’, appear idea of eco-fiqh to respond several envoronmental problems. This article aims to study about eco-fiqh which is based on maslahat approach (benefit) and analysis about environmental impact (amdal). To realize benefit of development, regulation of analysis about environmental impact must be obeyed, because it is supported by Islamic principle that “preventing the adverse effects is more prioritized than taking advantages”. Eco-fiqh guides a principle that prevention of environmental adverse effects for longer time than to take economic benefit for shorter time. Preserving the environment is prophetic doctrine and also a mainstream of Islamic doctrine which sometimes ignored. Preserving the environment is not only ‘tahsiniyat’ or ‘hajiyat’, or “dharuriyat’. Idea of eco-fiqh is an effort to put environmental conservation as mainstream of Islamic doctrine. Therefore, it brings about eco-piety beside spritual and social piety.]]>
<![CDATA[Dualisme Penerapan Hukum Bagi Pelaku Kekerasan Seksual Terhadap Anak di Provinsi Aceh ]]>
<![CDATA[amarina habibi]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.1.142-167
<![CDATA[Act Number 35, 2014 on Child Protection (UUPA) and Qanun (provincial law) Aceh Number 6, 2014 regarding Qanun Jinayat has given rise to legal dualism. Both laws and regulations govern the same case in the jurisdiction of Aceh, so that it can cause problems in its enforcement. This research applies primary, secondary and tertiary legal sources. This research uses the statue approach. Library research data are then analyzed from secondary and tertiary legal sourcesby using deductive method.The research shows that the enforcement of absolute power at the judicial institutions relating the trial of the sexual offence towards children cases in Aceh, the Public Court, which is granted its power under the UUPA,is privilege compared to Syar’iyah Court, which is having its power from Qanun Jinayat. The reasons for this are as following: a) the punisment in the UUPA is more serious and cumulative, while in Qanun Jinayat is more lenient and alternative; b) UUPA regulates specific things regarding child cases, while Qanun Jinayat is general; c) the enforcement of UUPA together with its changes is still facing hurdles, and there is also the enactment of Qanun Jinayat; d) there are problems in regards with lack of facilities of the detentions and budget during the process of the cases and there is an absent of the cooperation between correctional center for the convicted under the Qanun Jinayat; e) judges in the Public Court mostly already have certificates in dealing with child case compared to Syar’iyah Court. This research found that the later court judges have not had any certificate yet. The enforcement of punishment towards the perpetrators in Aceh mostly tried under the UUPA compared to using Qanun Jinayat as it provides more justice for victims.]]>
<![CDATA[Hubungan Antara Partisipasi Masyarakat, Pembentukan Undang-Undang dan Judicial Review ]]>
<![CDATA[Riza Multazam Luthfy]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.1.168-193
<![CDATA[Community participation in national and state life today is an important study. This is because in a democratic country, public policy cannot be separated from public participation. This study seeks to discuss the relationship between community participation, the making of Act and the implementation of judicial review. The results showed that: (1) Public participation in the making of Act and the implementation of judicial review can: (a) Provide a better basis for public policy making in creating good governance. (b) Increase citizens' trust in the executive and legislative branches. (c) Save human resources, because with the involvement of the community in public policy making, the resources used in public policy socialization can be minimized. (2). Community participation in evaluating Act becomes an important activity, in order to establish control whether an Act is in accordance with its objectives or not. The public can submit a judicial review to the Supreme Court (MA) or the Constitutional Court (MK) if they judge that their rights have been impaired by certain Act. (3). The relationship between community participation and the making of Act and the implementation of judicial review is very close. Without community participation, the Act produced does not reflect the interests of the community and only prioritizes the interests of certain groups. The Constitutional Court (MK) and the Supreme Court (MA) will not conduct a judicial review if there is no request from the public.]]>
<![CDATA[Peranan Partai Politik Islam Dalam Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Serentak di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sri Warjiyati]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.2.274-299
<![CDATA[The Islamic Political Parties in support of simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Indonesia have proven to contribute significantly to a very pluralistic national political system. Increasing the capacity and performance of Islamic political parties directly influences the quality of democracy and the performance of the political system in Indonesia, so that the role of Islamic Political Parties needs to be improved, both in capacity, quality and performance in order to realize the quality of democracy in Indonesia. The birth of Islamic parties in Indonesia today has added to the treasures of democracy in Indonesia, this birth phenomenon is thought to be a manifestation of the re-presence of Islamic political power. The quality of democracy can be influenced one of them through the implementation of simultaneous regional head elections in 2018 which are carried out in a constitutional, peaceful, honest and fair manner. The quality of democracy is also determined by the existence of democratic institutions, actors of democracy, actors' relations with institutions, public issues, and the capacity and strategy of democratic actors in linking between political party platforms that carry candidates with issues of public interest. The success of the substance of the implementation of the Regional Head Election simultaneously can be measured from the effectiveness of the system]]>
<![CDATA[Hudud Terhadap Pencurian dan Penodongan atau Perampokan Dibandingkan Dengan Ketentuan Hukum Pidana Positif Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Duwi Handoko]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 9 No. 2 (2019): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2019.9.2.338-359
<![CDATA[Allah exaggerated the threat of punishment for the perpetrators of the hijab above the threat of punishment for the perpetrators of murder or theft. This threat applies not only if the acts of hirabah are committed to Muslims, but also if they are carried out to other religious people who live under Islamic rule. Allah has mentioned the forms of punishment for the perpetrators of hirabah crimes, namely being killed (if they are only human lives without robbery), killed by crucifixion (if killing and seizing the victim's property), crossing their arms and legs crossed (those who only seizing property and not killing the victim), disposed of (if only the perpetrator commits terror or scares the victim by threatening). The threat of punishment for violent theft according to Article 365 of the Criminal Code is: Article 365 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code (imprisonment for a maximum of nine years), Article 365 paragraph (2) of the Criminal Code (imprisonment for a maximum of twelve years), Article 365 paragraph (3) of the Criminal Code (jail sentence of fifteen years at the most). Article 365 paragraph (4) of the Criminal Code (capital punishment or life imprisonment or for a certain period of twenty years at the most).]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK HUKUM PERKAWINAN BEDA AGAMA DI INDONESIA (Analisis Mengenai Intervensi Partai Politik terhadap Undang-undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 Tentang Perkawinan) ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdurrahman Hakim]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 10 No. 2 (2020): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2020.10.2.201-221
<![CDATA[This paper aims to analyze the existence of political party intervention in legislative drafting on regulation No 1/1974 about marriage. Political party intervention is actually contrary to responsive legal theory that is applied in the formation of regulations in Indonesia. Political party intervention can change the legal content in the formulation of legislation because there are interests that are subjective. The implication, of course the resulting legal products will not solve problems in society that have been assessed as public issues. If examined from the perspective of public policy, Government intervention is likely to occur at the policy planning stage. This is due to the process, the party as an element of political power views the importance of the values ??of flow in order to be contained in the laws discussed. The result, the regulations that have been passed are far different from the proposed bills. One example is the Marriage regulation. Debate and rejection occur in the discussion of the article 2 (1) UUP 1974. The affiliation of Islamic parties considers marriage to be a matter of worship and religious values. On the other, Nationalist party affiliation refused because it did not reflect reception legal theory.]]>
<![CDATA[STATUS AKTA NOTARIS YANG DIBUAT OLEH NOTARIS YANG MERANGKAP JABATAN SEBAGAI ADVOKAT ]]>
<![CDATA[Ragil Kusnaning Rini]]>;
<![CDATA[Siti Romlah]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 10 No. 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2020.10.1.32-53
<![CDATA[Notary deed as an authentic deed is often used as a means of proof in a trial, because it is the most powerful and perfect. Considering the importance of a notarial deed as a means of proof, the making of a notary deed must be done properly and carefully. The phenomenon of notary that doubles the position as an advocate of course also affects the authentic deed that was made by the notary. A notary who concurrently serves as an advocate is considered to violate the provisions in the Act, so that the notary becomes unauthorized and no longer has power in making a notarial deed. That a deed which is due to the inability of the employee / official who made it or because of a defect in its form, then the deed cannot be treated as an authentic deed, and only has power as a deed under the hand if it is signed by the parties and is no longer has the power of proof that is perfect. For that, those who feel aggrieved can file a lawsuit and claim for compensation to the notary. And for violations of dual positions committed, if it is proven that the notary may also be subject to sanctions. Akta notaris sebagai akta otentik seringkali dijadikan sebagai alat pembuktian di dalam persidangan, karena sifatnya yang paling kuat dan sempurna. Mengingat begitu penting akta notaris sebagai alat pembuktian, maka pembuatan akta notaris harus dilakukan dengan benar dan cermat. Adanya fenomena notaris yang merangkap jabatan sebagai advokat tentunya juga berpengaruh terhadap akta otentik yang telah dibuat notaris tersebut. Seorang notaris yang merangkap jabatan sebagai advokat dianggap melanggar ketentuan dalam Undang-Undang, sehingga notaris tersebut menjadi tidak berwenang dan tidak berkuasa lagi dalam membuat akta notaris. Bahwa suatu akta yang karena tidak berkuasanya pegawai/pejabat yang membuatnya atau karena suatu cacat dalam bentuknya, maka akta tersebut tidak dapat diperlakukan sebagai akta otentik, dan hanya mempunyai kekuatan sebagai akta dibawah tangan jika ditandatangani oleh para pihak dan bersifat tidak lagi mempunyai kekuatan pembuktian yang sempurna. Atas hal itu, bagi pihak yang merasa dirugikan dapat mengajukan gugatan dan tuntutan ganti rugi kepada notaris tersebut. Dan atas pelanggaran rangkap jabatan yang dilakukan, jika terbukti notaris tersebut juga dapat dijatuhi sanksi.]]>
<![CDATA[Sengkarut Pola Hubungan Lembaga Penyelenggara Pemilu di Daerah Otonomi Khusus ]]>
<![CDATA[Mutiara Fahmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Zahlul Pasha]]>;
<![CDATA[Khairil Akbar]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 10 No. 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2020.10.1.1-31
<![CDATA[This article seeks to analize the pattern of relations and authority of election agencies in special autonomous regions in Indonesia. The difference in the pattern of relations between election agencies in the special sutonomy region coincided with the implementation of asymmetric decentralization policies in Indonesia. As a result, differences in authority and specificity that is owned by one region with other regions. Whereas the Indonesian constitution based on Article 22E paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia states that all regulations relating to the electoral institutions in Indonesia apply nationally. The research method used is normative and empirical. This study found similarities and differences in the pattern of relationships and authority of election agencies in the special sutonomy Region. The similarity is that the election agencies in this Special Autonomous Region has lost certain duties and authorities that affect the pattern of their relationship. The difference lies in the lost duties and authority. In DKI Jakarta, the duties and responsibilities of the election organizers in the Regency/City are only in the context of assisting the Election organizing tasks in the Province. The duties and authority of the election organizers in DIY are reduced in the case of the Governor General Election. While in Aceh, the task of supervision is divided between two organizing agencies, namely the Aceh Panwaslih and the Aceh Province Panwaslih. In the future, this pattern of relations and authority will become a source of conflict and dispute. While in Papua Province, the election organize did not hold general elections due to the implementation of the noken system in some of these areas. Artikel ini berupaya menganalisis pola hubungan lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di daerah otonomi khusus di Indonesia. Perbedaan pola hubungan lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di daerah otsus muncul bersamaan dengan implementasi kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris di Indonesia. Akibatnya, muncul perbedaan kewenangan dan kekhususan yang dimiliki oleh satu daerah dengan daerah lain. Padahal konstitusi Indonesia berdasarkan Pasal 22E ayat (5) UUD NRI 1945 menyebutkan bahwa segala peraturan yang terkait dengan lembaga pemilihan umum di Indonesia berlaku secara nasional. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah normatif dan empiris. Penelitian ini menemukan adanya kesamaan dan perbedaan pola hubungan dan kewenangan lembaga penyelenggara Pemilu di Daerah Otonomi Khusus. Kesamaannya adalah, lembaga penyelenggara Pemilu di Daerah Otonomi Khusus ini sama-sama kehilangan tugas dan kewenangan tertentu yang memengaruhi pola hubungan mereka. Perbedaannya terletak pada tugas dan kewenangan yang hilang. Di DKI Jakarta, tugas dan kewengan penyelenggara Pemilu di Kabupaten/Kota hanya dalam rangka membantu tugas penyelenggara Pemilu di Provinsi. Tugas dan kewenangan penyelenggara Pemilu di DIY diciutkan dalam hal Pemilukada Gubernur. Sedang di Aceh, tugas pengawasan dibagi kepada dua lembaga penyelenggara, yakni Panwaslih Aceh dan Panwaslih Provinsi Aceh. Ke depan, pola hubungan dan kewenangan ini menjadi sumber konflik dan sengketa. Sementara di Provinsi Papua, lembaga penyelenggara pemilu tidak melaksanakan pemilihan umum akibat penerapan sistem noken di beberapa daerah tersebut.]]>
