Articles
142 Documents
<![CDATA[Saudi Vision 2030 and the Challenge of Competitive Identity Transformation in Saudi Arabia ]]>
<![CDATA[Leni Winarni]]>;
<![CDATA[Aberrant Pratama Yoga Nur Permana]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14579
<![CDATA[Saudi Arabia’s founders inherited a legacy of oil wealth and conservative Islamic ideas in the Islamic world. Conversely, the crown prince seemed uninterested in preserving the heritage and attempted to change the tradition. Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, wishes to transform the state’s conservative identity into a more moderate one. A main reason for the transformation is that Saudi can compete with other countries globally in developing various sectors. The crown prince initiated Saudi Vision 2030, a policy to establish a competitive identity and transform Saudi image globally, but that is not easy for Saudi, which is the heartland of religious conservatism and is likely to resist adopting transformation. Based on the statement above, this research explains how the crown prince tried to transform Saudi Arabia’s identity and build a different reputation through Saudi Vision 2030 became a contradiction in the Saudi government and society. The transformation and reconstruction of nation branding through Saudi Vision that promotes openness probably could eliminate the image of Saudi identity as a devout Islamic conservative. At the same time, this effort is a way to survive as a global economic actor without depending on the non-renewable energy sector. Finally, this paper found that norms, social and political culture, Saudi Arabia’s reputation, and Salman’s image hinder the construction of that identity.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of Indonesian’s Diaspora in Malaysia for Peace ]]>
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>;
<![CDATA[Ariyanto Nugroho]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.13110
<![CDATA[This article the potential of the Indonesian diaspora as an agent of peace in Malaysia. The Indonesian diaspora in Malaysia, for both Indonesia and Malaysia, is the largest diaspora in Malaysia. Sometimes, the large number of the diaspora in a country can cause problems of prejudice, and concerns that lead to security problems. But on the other hand, the size of the diaspora can also have the opportunity to be an integrative factor that can give birth to peace. Data on the dynamics of the Indonesian diaspora in Malaysia were obtained from primary sources, as well as focus group discussions, interviews, and official data from the government.This article finds that a large number of Indonesian diaspora and the establishment of mutualistic relationships at the government and government levels, as well as at the community and community level over a long period of time, contributes to the high role of the Indonesian diaspora in building social cohesion and peace in Malaysia.]]>
<![CDATA[STATE AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM: ANALYSIS ON THE KEMENKO POLHUKAM RI PERSUASION APPROACH IN RESPONDING THE WAVE OF “212” MOVEMENT ]]>
<![CDATA[Dinda Rizkimawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 5, No 1 (2021): JUNE ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.10017
<![CDATA[Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s blasphemy case reaped various reactions and criticisms. In the “Action of Defending Islam 212”, where Muslims in Indonesia expressed their anger, the masses demanded that religious blasphemers be brought to justice. It caused a series of demonstrations in Indonesia and instability in their domestic security, especially Jakarta as the capital city. This movement was widely known as the wave of right-wing populism in Indonesia. To respond to an extreme right-wing political movement in Indonesian society, the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security made efforts to persuade the community after the movement. This effort was significant in managing the widening of the narrative and reminding those who used the approach anchor base or key people and communities to help spread the message.]]>
<![CDATA[The Power Relations between Mursyid and Murid: Study of the Tarekat of Qadiriyah Wa Naqsabandiyah in the Islamic Boarding School Darul 'Ulum, Jombang ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatkhuri Fatkhuri]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14877
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid dalam Tarekat Qadiriyah Wan Naqsabandiyah pesantren Darul ‘Ulum Jombang. Menggunakaan metode kualitatif melalui studi literatur dan dokumen, penelitian ini menganalisis relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid berdasarkan teori kekuasaan Roberth A. Dahl (1957), yang mencakup dimensi basis kekuasaan, instrumen kekuasaan, respon dan peluang keterjangkauan kekuasaan untuk memengaruhi pengikut/murid. Hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa relasi kuasa Mursyid dan Murid dalam tarekat Tarekat Qadiriyah Wan Naqsabandiyah pesantren Darul ‘Ulum Jombang dilakukan melalui jalinan relasi mursyid dan murid dalam bentuk, pelaksanaan rutinitas ritual dizikir seninan dan kemisan yang menjadi aksi dan kesempatan bagi murid untuk berdo’a melalui perantara mursyid. Kewajiban murid untuk melakukan dzikir melalui perantara mursyid menjadi instrumen bekerjanya relasi kuasa antara mursyid dan murid yang berjalan secara efektif. Selanjutnya, rutinitas dizikir seninan dan kemisan menjadi sarana kekuasaan yang digunakan oleh mursyid untuk menyampaikan pesan-pesan moral dan spiritual yang wajib dilaksanakan murid. Harapan untuk memperoleh keselamatan mendorong seorang Murid untuk selalu memberikan kepatuhan dan kepasrahannya kepada Mursyid. Berikutnya adalah relasi kuasa terbentuk melalui respon murid untuk selalu mencari jalan keselamatan melalui perantara mursyid dan mematuhi apa yang diperintahkan atau dinasehatkan oleh mursyid, yang dalam studi ini dilakukan melalui tradisi sowan. Melalui sowan, seorang murid akan mendapatkan nasehat dan perintah dari mursyid terhadap berbagai masalah yang disampaikan murid. Terakhir adalah peluang keterjangkauan kekuasaan yang artinya pesan penting yang diberikan mursyid akan selalu dilaksanakan oleh murid sebab mursyid tidak sekadar tokoh sentral yang menduduki posisi teratas dalam struktur jam’iyah tarekat Qadiriyah Wan Naqsabandiyah, tetapi juga memiliki kelebihan membaca mata hati seorang murid di satu sisi dan murid berharap berkah dan pahala di sisi lain. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Increasing Number of Female Troops in Indonesia’s Peacekeeping Operations: Why Women’s Presence Matters? ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>;
<![CDATA[Hadidah Sallimi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ainun Dwiyanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.13509
<![CDATA[This study aims to shed some light on why Indonesia is committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. The analysis of this research used a framework theory of Stephen D. Krasner’s international regime (1980) and the concept of gender mainstreaming. This study analyzed secondary data with a qualitative method and literature research. UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security adopted in 2000 states that gender equality and the full participation of women as active agents in peace and security are necessary. It is driven by the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women and girls, causing a state of insecurity. In this regard, Indonesia as an active member of the United Nations, is also committed to continuously increasing the participation of female personnel in these operations. The research findings revealed that the ratification of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 by Indonesia is the main reason why the Indonesian Government is fully committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. Resolution 1325, as an international regime, encourages Indonesia to adopt the values of equality and gender mainstreaming, which has implications for the behavior and policies issued by the Indonesian Government, particularly in the UN Peacekeeping Operations. This research also discovered that the number of Indonesian female peacekeepers has been steadily increasing since 2008. Indonesian troops, especially female peacekeepers, have a successful record in peacekeeping missions, as they, along with male peacekeepers, were also awarded service medals for their participation in the MINUSCA operation in August 2021.]]>
<![CDATA[TRANSFORMING THE POST-MUWAḤḤIDDŪN MAN: MALIK BENNABI’S CRITIQUE OF THE CONTEMPORARY MUSLIM SOCIETY ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Yusuf Patria]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 5, No 1 (2021): JUNE ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.11446
<![CDATA[This article is aimed at discussing the critical analysis of a Muslim thinker, Malik Bennabi, of the state of contemporary Muslim society. This discussion uses a descriptive-analytic approach with Bennabi's works as the primary source and other supporting works as secondary sources. Bennabi's definition of a society, especially its origin, basic elements, and its stages, is described in detail as a basis for understanding Bennabi's thoughts. then, the article discusses Bennabi's analysis and criticism of the current state of Muslim society. For him, the root of all the problems experienced by Muslim society today is an internal weakness or what he calls "colonisability". This situation, according to him, creates vulnerable individuals and societies to be "colonized" again. Bennabi referred to these individuals in Muslim society as “Post-Muwaḥḥiddūn man”, as a sign that internal weaknesses began to emerge in Muslim society after the Muwaḥḥid dynasty. Based on his explanation, it can be concluded that the current Muslim society is disoriented and has lost its identity. The author also concludes that Bennabi's approach and analysis are able to describe the current state of Muslim society and the root of the problems it is experiencing.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIAN ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN STRENGTHENING COFFEE EXPORTS IN THE UNITED STATES MARKET 2012-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[H. Hervinaldy Hervinaldy]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 5, No 1 (2021): JUNE ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.7396
<![CDATA[Several policies related to coffee have been implemented by the Indonesian government and in collaboration with various parties; one of the steps is introducing, inviting, and participating in major events to introduce Indonesian coffee. The development of the coffee industry in Indonesia currently supports the upstream and has moved downstream (packaging, baristas, and e-commerce), which results in added value. This study aims to discuss the diplomacy strategies applied by Indonesia to strengthening coffee exports in the United States and what factors support these diplomacy strategies. From this study, it could be concluded that Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy will open more opportunities for foreign exchange-earners and introduce Indonesia’s coffee characteristics. Indonesian coffee production is expected to continue to be stable and increase, given the coffee needs of the United States community and the United States’ factor as the largest importer of Indonesian coffee. In 2013, Indonesia was ranked third as the world's largest coffee producer before being overtaken by Colombia in 2015. Brazil has been strong as the world’s coffee giant, followed by Vietnam in second place, Colombia in third place, and Indonesia in fourth, respectively. It was caused by two factors: unstable national coffee production and an increase in domestic coffee consumption.]]>
<![CDATA[Covid-19 and Vote Buying in Direct Regional Head Elections ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohammad Hidayaturrahman]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudarman Sudarman]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Hasan Ubaid]]>;
<![CDATA[Elazhari Elazhari]]>;
<![CDATA[Aryo Wibisono]]>;
<![CDATA[Faqih Alfian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14185
<![CDATA[The current covid-19 pandemic has killed tens of millions people. One way to avoid covid-19 is to keep a distance from each other. At at the same time, Indonesia actually held direct regional head elections in 270 regions, which required voters to come and gather at the polling station (TPS). This research was conducted to analyze the relationship between covid-19 and vote buying with voters participation in direct regional head elections in Indonesia, which was held on December 9, 2020. For the research approach, mixed methods both quantitative and qualitative descriptive were used. The quantitative method was carried out by distributing questionnaires directly to 139 polling stations in Sumenep Regency, East Java, during the regional head election. While the qualitative method is carried out by observing directly the conditions at the polling station (TPS). In addition, in-depth interviews with the election committee and voters were also conducted. The results of the study found that voter participation was very high even though the regional head election was held during the covid-19 pandemic. This high participation was apparently correlated with the widespread practice of vote buying carried out by the winning team for the two pairs of regional head candidates.]]>
<![CDATA[Foreign Policy of Madagaskar under the Leadership of Andry Rajoelina: Analysis of Domestic Determinants ]]>
<![CDATA[Krisna Silawa]]>;
<![CDATA[Achmed Sukendro]]>;
<![CDATA[Bayu Setiawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14052
<![CDATA[Madagascar is one of the countries with the best geographical location in Sub-African, facing not only the Indian Ocean but also the Mozambique Strait. With the limitations it faces, the foreign policy made by Madagascar’s leaders can be a good strategy in articulating the interests of this country. In an article belonging to Bojang A.S, one of the determinants of foreign policy-making is domestic. It will guide the authors in analyzing the domestic determinants of Madagascar in determining its policy under the leadership of Andry Rajoelina. This article was written using a secondary-qualitative method by collecting and analyzing secondary data from accredited books, scientific articles, and news. This study compared existing data with guidelines (Bojang A.S.) and analyzed how these determinants produce Madagascar’s foreign policy. In the end, this article describes eight domestic determinants influencing Madagascar’s foreign policy under Rajoelina’s leadership.]]>
<![CDATA[Constructivism Approach: Changes in Orientation of Indonesia in the North Natuna Sea to China's Claims ]]>
<![CDATA[Herry Wahyudi]]>;
<![CDATA[Luerdi Luerdi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 5, No 1 (2021): JUNE ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.10575
<![CDATA[This article discusses Indonesia’s orientation in the North Natuna Sea in the constructivism. The article aims to look at the change of Indonesia's orientation towards the positioning of North Natuna waters following China’s claims as the part of its territories. Indonesia’s orientation used to be for economic development activities. However, Indonesia then swifted such orientation to defense and security. The article applied the constructivist theory of Alexander Went. The article applied the qualitative approach whose data collection was through literature study.]]>
