Nation State : Journal of International Studies
Nation State: Journal of International Studies (NSJIS) is a scientific publication under management of International Relations Department, Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Universitas AMIKOM Yogyakarta in collaboration with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia (AIHII). The journal aims to facilitate the exchange and dissemination of ideas and research in the field of International Relations. The scope of this journal consist of Global Political Economy; Diplomacy and Foreign Policy; Globalization and Global Civil Society; Global Governance; Regional and International Security; or The other topic related to international studies.
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<![CDATA[Dilema Tata Kelola Pengungsi Global: Penanganan Illegal Maritime Arrivals (IMA) di Australia ]]>
<![CDATA[Maing, Skolastika Genapang]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.203
<![CDATA[Australia as one of the countries that signed the Convention of Refugee 1951 has an obligation to apply principle of non-refoulement in the handling of refugees and asylum seekers entering its territory. However, the issue of national security and domestic turmoil caused Australia to continue use restrictive policies in dealing with refugees and asylum seekers, especially those who came by the sea (boat people) and did not have official documents. They are called Illegal Maritime Arrivals (IMA). Giving the term “illegal” causes no distinction between IMA and smuggling/trafficking criminals. This paper aims to explain the existence of dilemma in the management of refugees especially in Australia in handling IMA. This research uses qualitative methods with secondary data sources from books, journals, articles and other sources related to the problem being studied. By using the concept of securitization approach in the paradigm of constructivism, this paper argue that the restrictive policies adopted by Australia as a form of protection of national interests. Australia experiences a dilemma in applying the principle of non-refoulement and protecting its national interests. This is challenge in the management of global refugees.]]>
<![CDATA[The Matter of Quebec Movement: A Review on Canadian Domestic Politics ]]>
<![CDATA[Al-hasin, FIkry Muhammad Reza]]>;
<![CDATA[Kusumaningrum, Demeiati Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.213
<![CDATA[The Canadian government has succeeded to maintain its political stability by implementing middle-ways approach to face the separatism movement. Parti Quebecois has been the biggest promoter of Quebec sovereign movement. This political party has held referendums to be independent from the central government and managed to gain public attention. This paper aimed to figure out how the series of Quebec sovereign movements affected Canadian domestic politics. It used constructivist approach to explain why the Quebec struggle for independent and how its strategies influence the Canadian domestic structure. The data obtained from library research. This paper examines the effort of Quebec movement consist of (1) creating a political discourse of “self-determinantion”. The social movement transforms into Québécois political party and it visioned to gain territory of the province since the decade of the 1960s; (2) social construction dealing with the issue of French identity as non-Canadian culture. The supports of the idea embedded in the several forms of regulations and propaganda in the public sphere.]]>
<![CDATA[Bilateral Agreement of Indonesia - Japan for Low Carbon Growth Cooperation: An Analysis of the Effectiveness and the Compliance Level ]]>
<![CDATA[Chotimah, Hidayat Chusnul]]>;
<![CDATA[Arisanto, Puguh Toko]]>;
<![CDATA[Pratiwi, Tiffany Setyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.228
<![CDATA[To reduce greenhouse gas emissions, in 2013 Indonesia and Japan agreed to establish bilateral cooperation in Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM). JCM facilitated and encouraged Japanese institutions (private and state) to cooperate with Indonesian institutions in a form of investment in low-carbon development. This article seeks to analyze the effectiveness of JCM implementation between Indonesia and Japan by using international cooperation effectiveness approach to determine the legal form whether soft law or hard law. The results show that both Indonesia and Japan choose to use soft law in this negotiation which has several benefits. Soft law provides an opportunity for both countries to achieve their goals and it can be used as a tool for negotiation and compromise. This article will also analyze the level of compliance between the two countries through coercion, reciprocity, reputation, and domestic institutions approaches. Authors found that there is no coercion in the form of sanction in implementing JCM; there is a reciprocity allowing JCM to provide financial assistance, transfer of technology and human resource; Indonesia and Japan keep their promises to uphold their international commitments; and domestic institutions play a role in promoting compliance in the low carbon growth partnership between the two countries.]]>
<![CDATA[The Revocation of Kashmir’s Special Status by Narendra Modi Administration in 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Setyorini, Fitri Adi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mukti, Takdir Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.233
<![CDATA[Kashmir has a special status under Article 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution, which granted special autonomy of Kashmir. The paper examines the reasons behind the Indian government's policy under Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to revoke the special status of Kashmir. The question is, why the Indian government revoked the special status of Kashmir in 2019 when the special status has been entrenched in the last 73 years ago. The objective of this research is to identify the reasons behind the Indian government's policy to revoke the special status of Kashmir. By a qualitative research, the findings show that the existence of economic interests is the background for revoking the special status of Kashmir. The research argues that the Indian business group (Taipan) as a major milestone in the success of Narendra Modi campaigns in 2014 and 2019 elections, demanding the Indian government to eliminate regulatory barriers between the center and the regions, to create a national market without any restrictions. Demands given by Taipan cause the dynamics between the central and local governments. This research is expected to assist the development of international relations in political economy studies.]]>
<![CDATA[Gender Inequality in Pakistan Caused by Domestic Factors and Conflict Resolving Based on CEDAW ]]>
<![CDATA[Masitoh, Dewi]]>;
<![CDATA[Pramesti, Firdha Ayu]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.241
<![CDATA[Gender inequality in Pakistan has been going for a long time from year to year. This can be evidenced by the results of a report from The Global Gender Gap Index in 2018 that was released by the World Economic Forum (WEF), Pakistan was the second worst country in the world in terms of gender equality, especially for the treatment of women, which ranks 148th out of 149 country. The aims of research are women’s participation is needed in a country by guaranteeing their freedom and welfare of state. If the lack of women's participation will be one of the roots of socio-economic and demographic problems that have been experienced by Pakistan until today. This research will use qualitative research methods, that emphasize the observation and understanding of a social phenomenon, where data is collected through secondary data and literature review. This research will use two theoretical frameworks, they are: Feminism and Human Rights. The main finding of the research was found in detail about how the problem of gender inequality in Pakistan; the reasons of gender inequality has been going on for a long time; and how about the conflict resolving from Pakistan Government based on International Law.]]>
<![CDATA[Achieving Consensus in the South China Sea: Explaining Bilateralism's Bane and Multilateralism's Boon ]]>
<![CDATA[Maulaya, Mahbi]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.331
<![CDATA[A prolonged debate arises whether bilateralism or multilateralism is the most effective path to achieve mutual consensus among parties in the South China Sea dispute. This study identifies bilateral approach negativity to settle such a complex and overlapping dispute existed in that area grounded by two considerations. First, bilateralism is a non-transparent scheme of bargaining process. Due to bilateral implementation only conducted by two states, the more powerful actor will escape from the scrutiny of others, thus making it possesses the opportunity to put forward discriminatory bid and robust sphere to suppress other party’s stance. The bilateral approach would result in a non-consensus agreement for less powerful parties. Second, the conflictual area draws the involvement of more than three sovereign parties with overlapping claims. Multilateralism, negotiation framework for multi-parties, is the most, perhaps the only, promising path to ease the existing tension numerous parties into the stage of consensus. Moreover, multilateralism may present positive norms – transparency and non-unilateralism – that could guide the involving parties to create consensus. The analysis of this paper obtained from utilization of qualitative data, library research methods, and by the comprehension of three conceptual frameworks, bilateralism, multilateralism, and consensus.]]>
<![CDATA[Revolution in Military Affairs: Strategi Menghadapi Strategic Disadvantage Singapura ]]>
<![CDATA[Triantama, Febry]]>;
<![CDATA[Pangestu, Yoga]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.332
<![CDATA[The Singapore government since 2000 has stated their goals to have a strong and capable Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). The urgency of having a strong and capable SAF cannot be separated from the multidimensional threats that Singapore has to deal with. China's growing military capability coupled with increased aggressiveness in the South China Sea and relations with two conflicting neighbors are examples of traditional threats facing Singapore. Non-traditional threats, especially terrorism, also haunt Singapore. This article argues that the Revolution in Military Affairs implemented by Singapore is the mitigation of such strategic disadvantage. Through the implementation of the Revolution in Military Affairs which was marked by the acquisition of advanced weaponry technology and followed by changes in military doctrine and organizational adaptation, the SAF has already been transformed into a powerful military in the region.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesian Government’s Strategies on Obtaining Market Access of Wood Products in EU Countries with Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) (2007-2016) ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Komang Audina Permana]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.335
<![CDATA[Forestry has played an important role in Indonesia's economic development. Forestry and related products contribute approximately 3.5 per cent to Indonesia’s GDP and contribute to the livelihoods of 15 million Indonesian people. Major importer countries of Indonesian wood products comprise to several countries including European Union (EU). However, Indonesia export on wood product activities has significant challenge on the legality of forestry and related products. Illegal logging issues in Indonesia have become Indonesia’s major historical problem around the forestry industries. This is related to the issues that most of the wood products produced by the Indonesian timber industry are derived from illegal timber so that buyers from European Union countries are forced to reject the import of these wood products. Thus, the purpose of this article is to analyze Indonesian government strategy to obtain woods market in EU. Following by the issues, Indonesia need to reform the certification system and also the policy reforms to adjust the EU standard regulation. That is why Indonesian government began to cooperate with the European Union through the FLEGT-VPA program.]]>
<![CDATA[Perdagangan Perempuan Nepal ke India dan Peran Jejaring Feminis Transnasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Yusuf Eko Suwarno, Fatma]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.338
<![CDATA[Nepal has faced high rates of woman trafficking to India for a long time. Various efforts were made but the rate did not decrease. This article intended to examine this phenomenon by examining the transnational feminist network (TFN), such as The Global Alliance Against Women Trafficking (GAAWT). GAAWT focuses on changes in the political, economic, social, legal system and structures related to the practice of trafficking in women by using a human rights approach to people who are regulated, non-discriminatory, uphold equality and uphold the principles of accountability, participation, and inclusiveness in the methodology, organizational structure and procedures. This study utilizes qualitative methods and transnational feminism theoretical framework. The result shows that GAAWT TFN has played a role in overcoming the issue of trafficking of Nepalese women to India by voicing the human rights of women in Nepal with a human rights approach. Even so, the trafficking of Nepalese women to India is still high. Therefore, evaluating approaches that pay attention to cultural aspects as well as various political identities at play can increase the effectiveness of TFN.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisa SWOT Kebijakan Poros Maritim Global di Wilayah Kepulauan Riau ]]>
<![CDATA[Yudilla, Artha]]>;
<![CDATA[Amri, Pahmi]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.360
<![CDATA[Geostrategic and geopolitical positions provide opportunities for Indonesia not only as a global economic path but also an international marine security pathway. Maritime wealth is also a force in Indonesia's maritime diplomacy in the International realm. This is then the basis of the formulated mega project policy to make Indonesia a global maritime axis. But the problem is that so far the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy does not yet have a detailed blueprint for policy implementation in the national state and only focuses on macro discussions in the form of international cooperation discourse that has also not seen significant progress. . This research will try to analyze how the Global Maritime Axis policy is implemented. What are strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. at the micro level. To be more specific, this research will take a case study in Riau islands which is one of the most strategic maritime areas in Indonesia located in the strait of Malacca. By analyzing how this policy is rationed directly in the micro realm can be a record for governments in formulating better policies in the future.]]>
