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Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik
Published by Universitas Islam Malang
ISSN : 26561565     EISSN : 26568209     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) adalah akses terbuka, dan jurnal peer-review. Tujuan utama Publikasi Jurnal ini adalah untuk menyebarluaskan artikel dari para peneliti dan praktisi tentang berbagai masalah sosial dan politik kontemporer.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 187 Documents
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Public opinion and media narratives on the motivations behind the ASEAN declaration on technology-based human trafficking Muhammad Zahrul Anam; Mutiara Dwi Sari
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.24300

Abstract

The 2023 ASEAN Summit in Labuan Bajo, Indonesia, issued a declaration to combat technology-based trafficking across the ASEAN region. The emergence of this declaration is an immediate response of ASEAN members, especially Indonesia, to current cases of human trafficking in which perpetrators have utilized technology. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, criminal syndicates are forcing hundreds of thousands of people into online criminal activities in Southeast Asia, ranging from illicit gaming to cryptocurrency fraud and romance investment schemes. Individuals who are compelled to labor in these fraud operations are subjected to inhuman treatment while being made to commit crimes. This article aims to investigate the motivation behind the declaration through social media users and online news publishers. The collected data is from selected online news sources: Antara News, Jakarta Globe, Kompas, Reuters, Tempo.co, The Diplomat, and Viva.co.id, along with comments from YouTube and Instagram. Following that, data analysis is conducted using NVivo 12. The paper applies Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory. The declaration was motivated by observational learning and self-efficacy. Then, public opinion, in the context of social cognitive theory, is understood as a form of social persuasion.
From protest to power: Co-optation, patronage, and the institutional transformation of 1998 reform activists in post-reform Indonesia Fatturrahman Fatturrahman; Yahdi Qolbi; Alberto N Patty; Mujiburrahman Mujiburrahman
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.24332

Abstract

This study examines changes in the political behavior of former 1998 activists in post-Reform Indonesia, particularly their integration into formal power structures during 2014–2024. While previous studies have emphasized structural and institutional dimensions, limited attention has been given to the interaction between political opportunities and activists’ motives. This research analyzes the forms of political affiliation adopted by former activists, the factors driving behavioral change, and the implications for democracy. Using a qualitative case study approach, the study analyzes secondary data from 47 online media articles published between 2019 and 2024. Data were collected through documentation and analyzed through coding, categorization, and interpretation. The analysis integrates theories of political behavior, patronage, and co-optation. The findings reveal three patterns. First, former activists increasingly entered formal political institutions through executive positions, political party networks, and appointments as commissioners of state-owned enterprises, indicating the institutionalization of activism. Second, changes in political behavior were driven by political incentives, patronage networks, economic access, and regulatory pressures that constrained extra-parliamentary activism. Third, this integration produced ambivalent consequences for democracy by expanding political representation while weakening the critical capacity of civil society. The study argues that activism in post-authoritarian contexts results from the interaction of actor rationality, institutional pressures, and political opportunity structures. The findings underscore the importance of strengthening political accountability and safeguarding civil society independence.
Bourdieu's capital accumulation: Exploring efforts to strengthen President Joko Widodo's political legitimacy Zanuar Nur Hidayat
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.24697

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to analyze the behavior of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in strengthening his political legitimacy based on Pierre Bourdieu's perspective. This article contributes to the development of Bourdieu's capital accumulation model in a factual context, especially by identifying the behavioral patterns of politicians in strengthening their political legitimacy. This article uses a qualitative research method through literature studies through various conceptual approaches and cases presented with analytical descriptions. This article begins the research by outlining Bourdieu's concept of capital accumulation and continues to analyze various types of capital in Jokowi's behavior. The findings of this article show that Jokowi's behavior in accumulating his capital to strengthen his political legitimacy began before his candidacy as President and continued to be strengthened during his term as President. Jokowi has a unique habitus compared to other politicians. This habitus is used to build cultural capital and strengthen social capital to build a national political network. Economic capital is slowly built through various policies that provide political legitimacy. Each of these capitals is accumulated into symbolic capital that provides a strong image as a popular leader. As a result, Jokowi succeeded in dominating the political arena and paving the way for power for his family, culminating in the election of Gibran as Vice President for the 2024-2029 period, despite various controversies and criticisms for weakening democracy.
Amnesty international Indonesia’s strategy for mainstreaming human rights in the 2024 presidential election campaign Jessica Erviranda Ningtyas; Havidz Ageng Prakoso; Shannaz Mutiara Deniar
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.24716

Abstract

The 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election exposed persistent tensions between human rights advocacy and state power amid shrinking civic space and weakened state responsiveness to accountability demands. Within Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) scholarship, this context highlights an unresolved theoretical problem, namely the assumption that symbolic mobilization and transnational pressure necessarily generate substantive policy change. This assumption becomes problematic when advocacy achieves high visibility without meaningful state response, a limitation that remains underexamined in studies of symbol based advocacy and public participation. This article analyzes how the core instruments of TAN information politics, symbolic politics, leverage politics, and accountability politics are operationalized in Amnesty International Indonesia’s #ALLOUT campaign in the post election period. Employing a qualitative approach, the study examines campaign documentation, organizational archives, and public advocacy materials, complemented by in depth interviews with Amnesty International Indonesia’s National Campaign Coordinator and a representative of KontraS. The unit of analysis centers on the operationalization of TAN instruments in post election advocacy. The findings indicate that #ALLOUT operates through a symbolic declarative logic rather than escalating political pressure, prioritizing the maintenance of narratives, public memory, and normative claims. In this context, accountability politics functions primarily as a defensive mechanism to sustain human rights discourse rather than to induce direct policy change. This study contributes to TAN scholarship by reframing advocacy outcomes as the preservation of discursive space and normative continuity within restrictive political settings.
The influence of civil servant competency dimensions on perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use of digital transformation Fitri; Sofyan Bekkah; Lukman
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.25013

Abstract

Digital transformation in local bureaucracy is determined not only by technological availability but also by the readiness of human resources who operate digital systems. In regional planning organizations, civil servant competency is a crucial factor because administrative work is cross-unit, data-driven, and requires rapid service delivery. This study analyzes the influence of civil servant competency dimensions motives, traits, self-concept, knowledge, and skills on perceived usefulness, the influence of perceived usefulness on perceived ease of use, and the mediating role of perceived usefulness in the relationship between competency and perceived ease of use. This research employed a quantitative approach with a cross-sectional design. Primary data were collected through a Likert-scale questionnaire administered to 60 civil servants selected using purposive sampling. The model was tested using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling to examine causal relationships and indirect effects among constructs. The results indicate that competency dimensions, particularly traits, self-concept, and knowledge, significantly contribute to the formation of perceived usefulness. Perceived usefulness also shows a strong relationship with perceived ease of use and functions as the pathway through which competency influences perceptions of system usability. In contrast, technical skills alone do not automatically increase perceived usefulness when they are not aligned with organizational workflows, routines, and user beliefs. These findings extend the application of the Technology Acceptance Model in the public sector by emphasizing the importance of adaptive characteristics, digital self-confidence, and literacy in policy and work processes to ensure the benefits of digital transformation are effectively realized in public organizations.
Political campaign analysis of #BlackLivesMatter and #PapuanLivesMatter hashtag activism on Instagram: Comparative perspective Allymatul; Nurdin
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.25244

Abstract

This research compares the political campaigns of the Instagram hashtag activism movements #BlackLivesMatter and #PapuanLivesMatter in their efforts to combat racism and discrimination. Using a qualitative netnographic approach grounded in the theory of contentious politics, the study evaluates the effectiveness of both digital campaigns in encouraging political and institutional change in the United States and Indonesia. Data were collected through literature review, documentation, and netnographic analysis of Instagram content from both movements. The findings reveal that #BlackLivesMatter successfully gained broad political support in the United States and encouraged institutional reforms within the police system to support anti-racism and anti-discrimination policies. In contrast, #PapuanLivesMatter has not effectively transformed public social consciousness in Indonesia. This limitation is associated with the political interests of pro-independence Papuan elites seeking separation from Indonesia, which reduced broader political and public support for the movement. Despite these differences, both hashtag activism movements contributed to raising global awareness of racism and discriminatory practices within identity politics across various countries, including the United States and Indonesia. This study contributes to the field of contentious politics by demonstrating that hashtag activism can function as a digital political communication strategy for governments and social movements in addressing social, economic, and cultural issues in the digital era. Furthermore, the research enriches the concept of digital politics by showing that hashtag activism can enhance public political participation, as well as the transparency and accountability of political institutions at both national and local levels.
The NSP elite study program as a foreign policy instrument of Taiwan’s new southbound policy toward Indonesia Siti Mufidah Ainun Nabila; Moh. Fathoni Hakim
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 8 No 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v8i1.25391

Abstract

In the context of Taiwan's New Southbound Policy toward Indonesia, this study examines the role of the New Southbound Policy Elite Study Program (NSPESP) as a foreign policy instrument. As Taiwan faces structural diplomatic constraints, non-traditional approaches have become increasingly important in promoting international engagement. However, previous studies have largely focused on the policy framework and its economic dimensions, leaving limited understanding of how specific programs function as foreign policy instruments at the implementation level. Drawing on Christopher Hill’s framework, which emphasizes the transformation of resources into capabilities and instruments, this study analyzes how NSPESP operates as a foreign policy instrument. This research employs a qualitative descriptive approach and document analysis, utilizing official policy documents, program materials, and institutional communications. The findings reveal that Taiwan mobilizes its strategic resources—including technological expertise, sustainability initiatives, and cultural assets—through institutional coordination among government agencies, academic institutions, and overseas representative offices. These resources are systematically translated into programmatic themes and implemented through structured processes such as participant recruitment, academic engagement, and scheduled program activities. Beyond facilitating knowledge exchange, these activities also serve as mechanisms of cultural engagement. The study concludes that NSPESP functions as a non-coercive foreign policy instrument that enables Taiwan to navigate its diplomatic constraints while strengthening relations with partner countries, including Indonesia. Within the broader framework of Taiwan’s foreign policy, the program demonstrates how structured engagement can effectively connect domestic capabilities with external foreign policy objectives.

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