Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies
Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies (JDIS) adalah jurnal menerbitkan artikel mengenai topik - topik dalam hubungan internasional seperti Politk Luar Negeri, Diplomasi, Politik Internasional, Keamanan Internasional, Ekonomi Politik Internasional dan Isu-Isu Islam Kontemporer. Jurnal ini yang terbit sebanyak dua kali dalam satu tahun yaitu pada bulan April dan Oktober..
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<![CDATA[Facilitating Conditions of Saudi Arabia – Israel Normalization in 2015-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Maryam Jamilah]]>;
<![CDATA[Hafizh Ulya Fikra]]>;
<![CDATA[Zulkifli Harza]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 01 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(01).4426
<![CDATA[Since 2017, there have been several events that indicate the closeness of relations between the Saudi Arabia and Israel. One of the most significant proof was a statement from Muhammad bin Salam in an interview in The Atlantic stating that Israel had rights to their land. The improvement in relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia has come under fire from many parties such as Hezbollah and Palestine. This research aims to analyze the conditions that facilitate Saudi Arabia’s normalization toward Israel in 2015-2018 with desecuritisation theory based on Bezer Coskun observations of Copenhagen School security analysis. This research is a qualitative research using secondary data as its sources. Researcher used desecuritisation variables that were used by Bezer Coskun on his previous research regarding Palestine and Israel in 2009. Those four variables are, 1)The change in the language to define previously securitized issue, 2) Position of the desecuritising actor and the relation between desecuritising actor and audience, 3) Conditions that point out the necessity for desecuritisation. Researcher found that condition that facilitates Saudi-Israel normalization are Muhammad bin Salam as desecuritisation actor and necessity of Israel’s assistances in realization of Saudi Vision 2030 and Iran power raising in Middle East region after Arab Spring 2011.]]>
<![CDATA[KERJASAMA INDONESIA CINA DALAM BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE ANALISA PELUANG DAN ANCAMAN UNTUK INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Artha Yudilla]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 01 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(01).4427
<![CDATA[Belt and Road Initiative merupakan kebijakan mega proyek pemerintah Cina di masa presiden Xi Jinping tahun 2016 yang bertujuan untuk membangun kembali jalur sutra baik jalur sutra darat maupun laut. Kebijakan ini merupakan penyempurnaan dari kebijakan dengan visi yang sama di tahun 2013 yakni kebijakan One Belt One Road (OBOR). Perubahan nama dilakukan untuk menghindari kesalahpahaman akan kata "one" dan tidak mengacu pada One China Policy. Hingga saat ini telah terdapat enam koridor jalur sutra darat yang menghubungan Cina dengan negara-negara di kawasan Asia dan Eropa melalui jalur kereta api cepat. Sejumlah pelabuhan-pelabuhan internasional di berberapa negara Asia juga telah dibangun. Total pendanaan mega proyek ini diperkirakan bernilai triliunan US Dolar. Oleh karena itu Cina memprakarsai pembentukan Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) di tahun 2015 yang bertujuan untuk memberi bantuan pendanaan infrastruktur negara-negara anggota dan juga menyokong kebijakan Belt and Road Initiative. Total anggota AIIB hingga saat ini berjumlah 69 negara termasuk negara-negara besar seperti Inggris, Jerman, dan Perancis dan juga negara-negara miskin kawasan Afrika. Indonesia telah menyetujui kerjasama pembangunan jalur kereta api cepat Jakarta-Bandung di tahun 2016 dan mulai direalisasikan di tahun 2018. Sejumlah kritikan muncul terkait keputusan Indonesia bergabung menjadi anggota AIIB dan ikut dalam program Belt and Road Initiative. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini akan mencoba untuk menganalisa peluang Indonesia dengan melihat posisi tawarnya berdasarkan teori Geopolitik dan Alliance Transition Theory, bagaimana hubungan interdependence tercipta dan apakah ancaman seperti debt trap diplomacy itu benar adanya.]]>
<![CDATA[SECURITY DILEMMA & ARMs RACE IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN REGION POST-COLD WAR ERA ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Arsy Ashshiddiqy]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 01 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(01).4428
<![CDATA[The security conditions in the Southeast Asian region are relatively safe, there have never been direct confrontations or head-to-head wars between countries in the region, if ever there had been a confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, but its not happen yet. During the cold war era, security in Southeast Asia was guaranteed by the two super power country, which are United States of America and Soviet Union. Some sort of bias think occur in this region, when the cold war ends European countries are committed to reducing their military budget, and the opposite is true in Southeast Asia. After the end of the cold war and the absence of security guarantees from the two countries, Southeast Asian countries began aggressively increasing their military budgets and increasing their defense force capabilities so that the Security Dilemma and Arms Race happen in this region. In particular, Indonesia has experienced an increase in the military budget from year to year, starting from 2007 Rp. 32 T to 2017 108 T. The increasing of military budget also occurs in all Southeast Asian countries, and this is clear evidence of the Security Dilemma and Arms Race in the Southeast Asian region. The research method used is descriptive qualitative research by describing all the phenomena of the research problem empirically. This study aims to explain and analyze the dynamics of Security Dilemma and Arms Race that happen in Southeast Asia, as well as Indonesia's involvement in this phenomenon, thereby increasing the defense budget each year.]]>
<![CDATA[DIPLOMASI DAN POWER: SEBUAH KAJIAN ANALISIS ]]>
<![CDATA[Rendi Prayuda]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 01 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(01).4429
<![CDATA[After the 1961 of Wina convention, diplomacy became one of the containers for the actualization of relations between countries in the international political arena to convey the national interests of a country to other countries. The national interest of a country is certainly a diplomatic mission for the state in the scope of international practice. The practice of a country's diplomacy success is of course influenced by various factors and the power factor is one of the determining factors for a country's diplomatic success. This paper use a descriptive qualitative approach with the collect data by library research. The results of this study indicate that the effectiveness of a country's diplomacy depends on the extent of its own national strength. Some things that determine the success of diplomacy can be analyzed from the diplomatic environment in the form of the international system, the diplomatic environment and domestic relations. While the concept of power is determined by elements that do not change (natural resources, geography, demographics and population) as well as elements that are easily changed (character and morality of the nation, the quality of government and diplomatic quality).]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISA IMPLEMENTASI SMART CITY MADANI PEMERINTAH KOTA PEKANBARU DALAM UPAYA SINERGITAS PROGRAM ASEAN SMART CITIES NETWORK (ASCN) 2030 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hisra Mariza]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 02 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(02).5117
<![CDATA[In this research will focus on the Analysis of the Smart City Madani Implementation in Pekanbaru City as an effort to synergize the ASEAN Smart Cities Network 2030 Program. The development of Smart City has expanded in various parts of the world. It is contained in The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has also begun to discuss with Singapore, based on the establishment of the ASEAN Smart City Network (ASCN) 2030. This agreement is related to Indonesian government currently doing with the Movement Towards 100 Smart Cities that encourage the use of technology for advance some cities in order to realize more effective, transparent and reliable governance. As one of the largest cities in Indonesia, of course, rapid development is needed to advance the city, one of them is Pekanbaru. The development of Pekanbaru is achieved with the following 5 points, eg Improving Basic Infrastructure, where to advance Pekanbaru, there are 3 basic infrastructures that must be addressed and developed, eg transportation, electricity and telecommunications; Smart city approach, Pekanbaru approaches to encourage city to become smart cities with the green city approach; Developing the area; Community development; and the formation of quality communities.]]>
<![CDATA[DIPLOMASI INDONESIA DALAM MEMASUKAN CPO PADA ENVIRONMENTAL GOODS LIST DI APEC PADA TAHUN 2012-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Maria Anastasia Siagian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 02 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(02).5118
<![CDATA[Indonesia, being the top global CPO producer, makes CPO as one of their national interest due to the great contribution of CPO to Indonesia’s economics as well as to their citizens. This brings Indonesia to utilize regional forums, viz. Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), in order to build Indonesia’s CPO image and also to gain from tariff reductionto 5% or less through the Environmental Goods (EGs) intiative in 2012. Lack of success in Indonesia’s diplomacy in the EGs initiative have failed its goal to have CPO included in the EGs list. Hence, in 2013 Indonesia managed to shift its strategy by initiating the Development Products which also have CPO included in the products list Indonesia proposed. Up until 2017, no decisions and deals were made among the APEC countries regarding Indonesia’s Development Products initiative. This research aims to analyze the negotiations process which Indonesia had done through EGs to Development Products using the qualitative research approach. This research finds that the result of this negotiation is the result of the power structure between Indonesia and their opponents during the negotiation of both EGs and Development Products.]]>
<![CDATA[IMPLEMENTASI DIPLOMASI KEBUDAYAAN INDONESIA DI JEPANG MELALUI RUMAH BUDAYA INDONESIA (RBI) PERIODE 2017-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Asep Kamaludin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 02 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(02).5129
<![CDATA[This paper aim to analyze about the Implementation of Indonesian Cultural Diplomacy in Japan through Rumah Budaya Indonesia (RBI) Period 2017-2019. In this era, culture has become an important issue that deserves to be discussed. Besides being national identity of a country, culture also used as a instrument to achieve the country's national interests. Currently, Indonesia is one of the countries that uses cultural diplomacy as an effort to achieve its national interests. In this case, the Ministry of Education and Culture established Rumah Budaya Indonesia (RBI) in Japan to reinforce Indonesian cultural diplomacy. The result of this research show that the influential Rumah Budaya of the positive image of Indonesia and the increasing number of tourist to Indonesia. This paper uses the diplomacy theory, the concept of cultural diplomacy and the concept of a Rumah Budaya.]]>
<![CDATA[KEBIJAKAN PRESIDEN BRAZIL TERHADAP PERENCANAAN PENGEMBANGAN WILAYAH PERTANIAN DI HUTAN AMAZON YANG MENGANCAM “HUMAN SECURITY” MASYARAKAT BRAZIL ]]>
<![CDATA[Intan Rodiah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 02 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(02).5130
<![CDATA[Amazon forest in Brazil is one of the lungs of the world and a source of oxygen, especially in the South American region. Under the leadership of President Bolsonaro, there have been many cases of forest fires and illegal deforestation due to the weakening of environmental protection in the Amazon forest region. This study wants to analyze the Brazilian president's policy towards developing agricultural areas in the Amazon forest. This paper uses a literature study writing system by taking resources from several references such as books, journals, articles, news and other sources related to the author's research. This research uses descriptive analytic method. Many things that arise due to the Amazon forest fires, especially regarding the "Human Security" of Brazilian society. Regarded as a potential area, it is not surprising that many parties who want to use the Amazon forest as a forum for agricultural activities and mining activities. With the increasing cases of forest fires in Brazil every year, it raises big questions for many parties including the community and environmental activists regarding the president's policy in tackling these fire cases. And it has also attracted the attention of some environmental observers and concerns about the impact of forest disasters that have disturbed environmental security stability and have long troubled Brazilian society, and therefore they also believe that the increase in Amazon forest fires is not only caused by natural reasons from deforestation activities only, but they assume that there is a separate mission behind this forest fire case from the Brazilian government who wants to develop agricultural area in the Amazon forest area. See this forest which has the potential to develop agricultural and mining areas.]]>
<![CDATA[SOUTH KOREA'S DIGITAL DIPLOMACY IN THE ERA OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION (CASE STUDY: SOUTH KOREA INFLUENCED INDONESIA) ]]>
<![CDATA[cifebrima suyastri]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 02 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(02).5133
<![CDATA[Industry 4.0 is about the fourth industrial revolution. The industrial revolution has changed the way humans work into automation / digitalization through innovations. Its existence offers a lot of potential and can produce an opportunity in the development of the industrial sector. Human resources needed by the industry today are those who have competence in the use of digital technology. Hallyu successfully brought an improvement to the economy and image of Korea in the international eyes. Starting from the many media that aired dramas. In the drama series the soundtrack is usually song by Korean singers who are not infrequently also members of one of the idol groups there. The development of Indonesian K-pop music is also like a domino effect. in Indonesia itself appeared several Boyband and Girlband in the style of South Korea which had raised its own pro and contra in Indonesia. Musicians in Indonesia spoke up about the problem. The existence of Boyband-Girlband in Indonesia is considered to beat the band which is the hallmark of music in Indonesia. The development of South Korean culture and the existence of digital diplomacy they can easily promote their products via the internet such as YouTube, Instagram, Facebook, Twitter etc. In this case, Researchers used a qualitative descriptive method by describing the results of research that has been done by researchers. The study was conducted by reviewing documentation, books, and data related to the research theme.]]>
<![CDATA[IMPLEMENTASI KONSEP KEBIJAKAN ONE BELT ONE ROAD (OBOR) CHINA DALAM KERANGKA KERJASAMA PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTUKTUR DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Fahrizal]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies Vol. 2 No. 02 (2019): Journal of Diplomacy and International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIR Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.25299/jdis.2019.vol2(02).5138
<![CDATA[This article discusses the One Belt One Road OBOR Initiative launched by Xi Jinping in 2013, focusing on the role of the initiative in realizing Zhongguomeng. The OBOR initiative is a new infrastructure development project that uses the concept of the New Silk Road that covers geopolitical and geo-economic aspects to connect the Eurasian region with China as its center. The author begins the research by interpreting the background that prompted the Chinese government to implement the OBOR Initiative using historical approaches and qualitative studies, then analyzing the extent to which the OBOR policy can be useful for Xi Jinping to achieve the Zhongguomeng target. The Silk Road was later promoted to become China's new slogan in various international forums. In the view of the current Chinese leader, the concept of the New Silk Road is also known as the "One Belt One Road". China then added another concept, the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road which was seen as an effort to strengthen relations with countries in South and Southeast Asia including one with Indonesia which focused on maritime trade and acceleration. infrastructure development in order to increase economic growth. The results show that the OBOR Initiative has a role as a tool to realize Zhongguomeng through the development of infrastructure that supports the flow of industrial trade, provides a unifying platform for China, and global peace cooperation relations. Indonesia as a developing country is one of the OBOR member countries to improve its economy. In its implementation, infrastructure cooperation between the two countries continues to increase which has a significant impact on Indonesia's infrastructure development, although it cannot be denied that there are many obstacles that need to be faced]]>
