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Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
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University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
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Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 119 Documents
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Islamic Revivalism in Indonesia: The Caliphate, Sharia, NKRI, Democracy, and the Nation-State Munabari, Fahlesa; Larasati, Nadia Utami; Ihsan, Rizky; Nurhadiyanto, Lucky
Jurnal Politik Vol. 5, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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This research examines Indonesian Islamic revivalist movements’ perspectives on the concepts of the nation-state and democracy. The Islamic revivalist movements studied in this research include Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), and Forum Umat Islam (FUI). Following the fall of the authoritarian Suharto’s regime in 1998, Indonesia witnessed an escalation of Islamic activism whose goals revolve around the implementation of Sharia (Islamic law) and, to a certain extent, the reestablishment of a caliphate (transnational Islamic state). To this end, revivalist movements have been staging frequent mass protests, mainly addressing Indonesian government policies that are deemed un-Islamic. Some of the protests have ended violently, which implies that their Sharia and Islamic state goals have become a source of conflict in Indonesian society. This research suggests that this violent activism stems from different versions of the concept of the nationstate and democracy, which disagree with broadly accepted definitions. This research was conducted against this backdrop to analyze each movements’ perspectives on the concept of nation-state and democracy and argues that, despite each movement advocating the implementation of Sharia, their understandings of the concepts of the nation-state and democracy differ.
Preventing the Death of Democracy from Within Telaumbanua, Harlitus Berniawan
Jurnal Politik Vol. 5, No. 2
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Key Dynamics of Internationalization of Public Policy in the Context of Policy Transfer Nainggolan, Alexander Hamonangan
Jurnal Politik
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The article aims at examining how policy could be transferred as a complex and dynamic process in terms of internationalization and globalization. In addition, it will explore significant channels for the international movement of ideas, policies, and practices through an international policy learning process formed in policy transfer, lesson drawing, policy diffusion, and policy convergence. Further, it is argued that policy transfer literature is increasingly central, leading to the development of related topics in comparative politics and public policy. This article investigates the involvement of non-government organizations, civil society and political issues in driving the learning process about what government should have done and can be learned with common problems. Finally, the article concludes that globalization has challenged the notion of a nation-state system and the autonomy of nation-states by the velocity of change and the dynamic of interstate and intrastate factors in term of policy transfer.
Pembangunan Negara, Hukum Pertanahan Indonesia, dan Kembalinya Tanah Kasultanan di Yogyakarta Pranoto, Carolus Bregas
Jurnal Politik
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The Basic Agrarian Law No. 30 Year 1960 stipulates that the Indonesian state (both the central and regional governments) is the sole authority on land that may control and give out land rights to its citizens. However, the implementation of Yogyakarta Special Region Law No. 13 Year 2012 (UUK) did not only give the Sultanate of Yogyakarta a definite status as a legal entity, but also its claims on and authority over its owned land, the Sultanaat Grond (SG). A formal law approach views such arrangement as a result of the pluralism of law and suggests the unification of law as the way out. This article argues that pluralism of law is not a result of mismanagement of governance, but rather a feature of Indonesian state building since colonial times to the present days. By using a theory of land tenure regime, this article argues that UUK Year 2012, which institutionalises and reinvigorates SG as royal land of the Yogyakarta Sultanate, is a logical outcome of the layered authority of the Indonesian state -between the central and regional governments- and the re-emergence of the politics of traditionalism taking place since post-Reformasi.
Kekuasaan Presiden, Institusi Informal, dan Pengesahan RUU tentang Badan Pengelola Jaminan Sosial (BPJS) Utomo, Haryo Ksatrio
Jurnal Politik
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This article examines the power exercise of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) in the discussion of the Social Security Administering Body Bill (BPJS Bill) when the president intervenes the process of deliberating the bill in parliament. In the middle of the process, the President intervened the House through a joint forum of political parties that support the government in the House of Representatives or known as the Joint Secretariat (Setgab) by asking them, which have no official position in the state president’s intervention has limited the power of the House of Representatives that should work independently and be free from any form of executive intervention. The existence of these interventions raises question about the relationship between the executive and the legislature bodies in which presidential intervention can be exercised significantly, whereas since 1998 political reforms aimed at the limitation presidential powers by strengthening parliamentary institution. This article argues that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has the ability to use and maximize the informal institution of the president’s power without any counter from the parliament. This article tries to explain this phenomenon by using the informal institutional approach and political administration, to support the government’s proposal. This paper assumes that the thropology. The informal institution approach explains the informal institutions of the president in Indonesia between the pre-reformation and post-reform periods. Then, the approach of political anthropology discusses the influence of Java’s dominant poli¬tical culture in Indonesia. Both approaches indicate that the Javanese political culture is still a factor as the basis for the application of informal practice of the long-established presidential institution which is continued by SBY. It is clear that he is also influenced by the way of thinking built upon Javanese cultural values. The article also elaborates to prove the influence of Javanese culture in the form of the use of informal institutions in the process of drafting the BPJS Bill by the president.
Keberhasilan Kelompok Tani Sekar Mulyo dalam Memengaruhi Kebijakan Pemerintah Kota Batu Tahun 2009-2016 Regaty, Hisab Akbar
Jurnal Politik
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This article will outline the factors that can drive the success of a civil society orga¬nization at the village level in influencing decisions by local governments, with case study of the Sekar Mulyo farmer group in Batu City. The question raised is why the Sekar Mulyo farmer group influences the local agriculture and infrastructure policy more successfully in Batu City in 2009-2016. This article uses qualitative approach by using primary and secondary data. The research found that there are determinants of success are collaborative strategies of civil society organizations, social capital, and clientelistic relation.
Masalah Regulasi dan Pengawasan dalam Praktik Korupsi Haji Tahun 2010-2013 Firdaus, Bayu
Jurnal Politik
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The problem of corruption has occurred in many government institutions. Corruption is not only occurred in legislative institutions such as DPR, DPD, or DPRD, but also in executive institutions, such as ministries. Corruption in the Ministry of Religious Affairs is chosen to be explored in this paper because of its supposedly commitment and tightly intricate with moral and religious values to oppose any practices of corruption. This paper argues that the practice of corruption in pilgrim seasons of 2010-2013 occurred due to opportunity made available by problematic regulation and abused of supervision by members of DPR. Previous research found that corruption in Indonesia can be divided into three different causes, which are problems of system or regulation, mental, and both of them. This article looks deeply into the factor of system further and offers two important aspects related to this, which are problematic regulation and abuse of legislative supervision. Both have provided opportunities to the practice of corruption in the ministry. This paper also reviews opportunity factor in GONE theory by Bologna.
Dimensi Politik dalam Polemik Vonis Mati Disyacitta, Fikri
Jurnal Politik
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Religious Sentiments in Local Politics Arjon, Sugit Sanjaya
Jurnal Politik
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The rise of religious sentiments and identity politics in Indonesia is currently in a critical phase. Indonesia is neither a Muslim nor a secular country, although it recognizes the existence of God in its first state theory principle. Together with corruption and human rights, religion is a fundamental issue in politicians’ campaign materials, as these topics can be considered key for attracting voters. The fall of President Suharto’s New Order should be considered the starting point of the sublime journey of political identity, which often implicates religions and ethnicity under the umbrella of democratic practices. However, after the fall of Suharto and the New Order era, religious sentiments were not used and did not attacks on other religions until the 2017 Jakarta election. As Indonesia is a diverse country, its politics should not exploit religious or ethnic differences as the basis for voting for certain candidates or turn them into campaign tools. The rise of religious sentiment during the 2017 Jakarta election successfully split Indonesia into two sides: those with a nationalist ideology and those with a religious ideology. It is hypothesized that this separation will sooner or later cause two dangerously practices to grow in the society: Islamic exceptionalism and a government that rules with an iron fist. This qualitative article examines how Islamic exceptionalists have portrayed and framed themselves within Indonesia’s democratic practices and why the religious ideology is again on the rise. It explores arguments about why increases in religious sentiments and identity politics should be considered a critical test for Indonesia’s socio-politics and decisive for the progress of Indonesia’s democracy. Interestingly, the results show that in the context of local politics, most people are not attracted by and do not vote for candidates who exploit religious sentiments during their campaigns.
Strategi Politik Elektoral Gerakan Buruh di Korea Selatan (2004-2014) Pratiwi, Dana
Jurnal Politik
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This research aims to analyze the reason why the electoral political strategies of the labor movement in South Korea tend to be ineffective after 2004. It can be seen by the decrease in the number of positions obtained by the labor party in the national parliament, the internal party factions, the gap between the organization of the labor movement and the party, the party is unable to expand its support base and to accom¬modate other national policy issues. This research uses a qualitative methods and the secondary data to answer the research question. The analysis is referred to a research conducted by Collins. She stated that there are two aspects that determine a movement in order to form a successful political party in electoral politics. The two aspects are the political opportunity and resource mobilization undertaken by the movement. I argue that the cause of ineffectivenss in the electoral strategy of labour movement in South Korea after 2004 were the existence of obstacles in the political opportunity which has not been favorable for them and in the resource mobilization.

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