Birokrasi: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Tata Negara
Sub Rumpun ILMU POLITIK 1 Ilmu Politik 2 Kriminologi 3 Hubungan Internasional 4 Ilmu Administrasi (Niaga, Negara, Publik, Pembangunan, Dll) 5 Kriminologi 6 Ilmu Hukum 7 Ilmu Pemerintahan 8 Ilmu Sosial dan Politik 9 Studi Pembangunan (Perencanaan Pembangunan, Wilayah, Kota) 10 Ketahanan Nasional 11 Ilmu Kepolisian 12 Kebijakan Publik 13 Bidang Ilmu Politik Lain Yang Belum Tercantum Sub Rumpun ILMU SOSIAL 1 Ilmu Kesejahteraan Sosial 2 Sosiologi 3 Humaniora 3 4 Kajian Wilayah (Eropa, Asia, Jepang, Timur Tengah Dll) 5 Arkeologi 6 Ilmu Sosiatri 7 Kependudukan (Demografi, dan Ilmu Kependudukan Lain) 8 Sejarah (Ilmu Sejarah) 9 Kajian Budaya 10 Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam 11 Ilmu Komunikasi 12 Antropologi 13 Bidang Sosial Lain Yang Belum Tercantum
Articles
266 Documents
<![CDATA[Kajian Hukum Perdata terhadap Tanggung Jawab Direksi Perseroan Terbatas atas Kerugian Perusahaan ]]>
<![CDATA[Ajis Supangat]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 1 (2026): Maret: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i1.2355
<![CDATA[Abstract. The increasing number of cases involving corporate losses that implicate the liability of directors in limited liability companies highlights the importance of a comprehensive understanding of the scope and nature of such liability from a civil law perspective. This study aims to analyze the liability of directors for corporate losses as well as the factors influencing the emergence of such legal liability. The method used is normative legal research with a legislative and conceptual approach, through a review of legislation, legal literature, and relevant court decisions. The results of the study indicate that directors’ liability is not automatic but depends on proving the existence of fault or negligence in performing their duties, in accordance with the principles of due diligence and good faith. Furthermore, factors such as weak internal controls, lack of transparency, and directors’ limited legal understanding are the primary causes of corporate losses. The implications of this study underscore the importance of implementing sound corporate governance principles, enhancing directors’ competence, and ensuring consistency in law enforcement to achieve a balance between legal protection and accountability in corporate management.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Organisasi Pendukung Partai dalam Komunikasi dan Sosialisasi Politik di Kabupaten Lampung Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Marsha Dhita Pytaloka]]>;
<![CDATA[Hertanto Hertanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Darmasuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 1 (2026): Maret: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i1.2360
<![CDATA[Political party support organizations play a crucial role in expanding the reach of party activities, particularly in the context of communication and political socialization at the local level. This study aims to examine how party support organizations carry out their political communication function, particularly in channeling and integrating community interests, while also analyzing their contribution to the political socialization process during the 2024 Legislative Elections in Central Lampung Regency. This study used a qualitative approach with a descriptive design. Data were obtained through in-depth interviews with 18 informants, participant observation, and documentation of organizational activities. Data analysis was conducted using an interactive model. The results indicate that party support organizations function as intermediaries between political parties and the community in establishing two-way communication. Furthermore, these organizations are able to absorb community aspirations at the local level and convey political information through a culturally and community-based approach. However, the effectiveness of this role still faces obstacles such as limited resources, low cadre capacity, and weak coordination between organizations. Furthermore, clientelism practices are still found and have the potential to reduce the quality of public political education. This study recommends strengthening organizational governance, increasing the capacity of digital-based cadres, and more systematically integrating supporting organizational networks to strengthen the institutionalization of political parties at the local level.]]>
<![CDATA[Apakah Siswa pada Sekolah Swasta Berhak Mendapatkan Pendidikan Gratis?: Analisis Putusan MK Nomor 3/PUU-XXII/2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nadia Anatasya]]>;
<![CDATA[Puti Alya]]>;
<![CDATA[Indah Nabila Vandini]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2361
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze normatively and juridically whether students in private schools are entitled to free basic education based on the Constitutional Court Decision Number 3/PUU-XXII/2024. Prior to this decision, the phrase “without charging fees” in Article 34 paragraph (2) of Law Number 20 of 2003 on the National Education System was often interpreted narrowly, applying only to public schools. This interpretation created discrimination in access to education for students in private schools, particularly those from low-income families. This research employs a normative juridical method with a statute approach and case approach. Primary legal materials include the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 20 of 2003 on the National Education System, and Constitutional Court Decision Number 3/PUU-XXII/2024. Secondary legal materials consist of relevant scholarly literature, books, and journals. The analysis reveals that the Constitutional Court declared Article 34 paragraph (2) of the National Education System Law conditionally unconstitutional. The phrase must be interpreted to mean that the Central and Regional Governments are obliged to guarantee the implementation of compulsory basic education without charging fees, both for educational units organized by the government (public schools) and by the community (private schools). Consequently, students in private schools have the right to obtain free basic education as a constitutional right. Private schools are still permitted to charge fees from financially capable parents, but they are obligated to provide financial relief or full fee waivers for students from economically disadvantaged families. This decision has significant juridical implications for national education financing policy, particularly the need to revise derivative regulations and allocate School Operational Assistance (BOS) and Regional BOS funds to eligible private schools. This study complements previous research, which was largely empirical and regional in scope, by providing a comprehensive national normative juridical analysis.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Yuridis Kebebasan Berekspresi di Era Digital: Transformasi Pasal 27A UU No. 1 Tahun 2024 dan Perlindungan Hak Konstitusional ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri Rut Sri Jaya Lubis]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri Dwi Rahmadani]]>;
<![CDATA[Izumi Bernadetta Gultom]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2363
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the juridical transformation of freedom of expression after the enactment of Law Number 1 of 2024 as the second revision of the Electronic Information and Transaction Law (ITE Law). The main focus of the research is the reconstruction of defamation offenses from Article 27 paragraph (3) to Article 27A, as well as its implications for constitutional guarantees in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The method used is normative juridical with legislative, conceptual, and case approaches. The case study of the case of Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti is used as a limited empirical analysis. The results of the study show that even though Law No. 1 of 2024 has narrowed insults to absolute complaints, the formulation of norms that are still multi-interpreted, especially in the phrase "attacking honor", still has the potential to threaten freedom of expression and create a chilling effect in the digital space. In addition, the lack of clear parameters regarding public criticism and personal insults creates legal uncertainty. Therefore, consistent interpretation guidelines and harmonization with human rights principles are needed so that the protection of citizens' constitutional rights is guaranteed.]]>
<![CDATA[Perlindungan Hak Cipta atas Materi Stand-up Comedy terhadap Tindakan Duplikasi tanpa Izin ]]>
<![CDATA[Umair Umair]]>;
<![CDATA[Dudung Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Raden Handiriono]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2367
<![CDATA[The development of stand-up comedy as part of the creative industry raises legal issues regarding the protection of materials that are often duplicated and distributed without authorization. This study examines the legal qualification of stand-up comedy material as a copyrighted work and the form and scope of copyright protection provided under Indonesian law. This research aims to analyze the legal status of stand-up comedy material and the protection granted to it. The method used is normative juridical research with statutory and comparative law approaches. The results show that stand-up comedy material fulfills the requirements of a protected work as it contains originality and has been expressed in a tangible form. It is classified as a literary work in the form of oral expression as well as a performing art under Law Number 28 of 2014 on Copyright. The protection covers both moral rights and economic rights; however, its implementation remains weak, especially in the digital era where violations such as re-uploading and unauthorized recording are prevalent. In conclusion, stand-up comedy material has a strong legal basis for protection, but further efforts are needed in law enforcement and public awareness to ensure effective protection.]]>
<![CDATA[Penyalahgunaan Kewenangan Penuntutan oleh Jaksa dalam Kasus Pemerasan terhadap Warga Negara Asing di Pengadilan Tipikor Serang: Perspektif Hukum Tata Negara dan Relasi Kuasa ]]>
<![CDATA[Alif Fabiano Hariyanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Eka Fathur Fahmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Bima Antares Onarelly]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2368
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the abuse of prosecutorial authority from a normative juridical perspective within constitutional law and its implications for the rule of law and good governance in Indonesia. It focuses on the concept of abuse of power (détournement de pouvoir) in assessing prosecutorial actions and examines power relations in law enforcement that may affect objectivity and fairness in criminal justice. The research uses a normative juridical method with statute and case approaches. Primary legal materials include the 1945 Constitution, Law No. 16 of 2004 on the Prosecutor’s Office as amended by Law No. 11 of 2021, and Law No. 30 of 2014 on Government Administration, supported by doctrines and jurisprudence. Secondary materials include books and journals on constitutional and administrative law. The findings show that prosecutorial authority as dominus litis is limited by legality, good governance principles, and due process of law. Abuse of authority may occur not only through procedural violations but also through deviations from its intended purpose, leading to formally lawful but substantively unjust actions. Power relations may also create institutional imbalance in law enforcement. Therefore, stronger supervisory mechanisms are needed to ensure prosecutorial authority aligns with the rule of law and good governance.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementasi Kebebasan Beragama di Tanggerang terhadap Etnis Umat Beragama Kristen ]]>
<![CDATA[Osvaldo Antonio Linjewas]]>;
<![CDATA[Abrar Rosyan Ali Barus]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2371
<![CDATA[This study examines the implementation of religious freedom in Indonesia, focusing on the case of the sealing of the POUK Tesalonika House of Prayer in Teluknaga, Tangerang Regency, in April 2026. This incident reflects the tension between administrative regulations, specifically the Building Permit, and the constitutional right to freedom of religion as guaranteed in Article 28E and Article 29(2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This study employs a normative legal method with legislative,conceptual, and case-based approaches. The analysis reveals that the sealing action fails to meet the principle of proportionality in administrative law, and results in legal discrimination that contradicts the principle of equality before the law and the spirit of Pancasila. These findings affirm that the right to worship is a non-derogable right that cannot be diminished by technical permitting regulations. Therefore, the state must prioritize a facilitative and protective approach in regulating places of worship, to guarantee freedom of religion and uphold Indonesia’s integrity as a democratic and tolerant rule of law state.]]>
<![CDATA[Korban Kekerasan Orang Tua: Strategi Pemulihan Ham Anak dalam Sistem Hukum Keluarga Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhamad Yusniza Mahendra]]>;
<![CDATA[Kasih Aprilia]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2372
<![CDATA[Parental violence against children constitutes a serious violation of their human rights, as guaranteed by Article 5 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 19 of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child. It is also contrary to Indonesia’s family law system, as set out in Law No. 35 of 2014 on Child Protection. This study aims to analyse the forms of such violence and formulate a holistic, restorative strategy to restore children’s human rights. Using a normative-empirical approach involving the analysis of legal documents, court rulings and 2023 data from the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), which recorded 45,000 cases annually (60% of which involved parents as perpetrators), it was found that effective strategies include medical and psychological rehabilitation via P2TP2A and TF-CBT, and restorative justice through mediation under Supreme Court Regulation (Perma) No. 4 of 2019. Socio-economic support, such as the PKH programme, is also crucial. The main obstacles are patriarchal culture and a regulatory vacuum regarding the KHI. The conclusion emphasises the need for cross-sectoral commitment and makes recommendations including the introduction of mandatory parental counselling, prioritisation of court mediation, sub-district recovery units and large-scale public awareness campaigns. This study contributes to the strengthening of child protection within Indonesian family law.]]>
<![CDATA[Eksistensi Perlindungan Mahasiswa: Menakar Tanggung Jawab Kampus Dimata Negara ]]>
<![CDATA[Nayla Fhatya Utami]]>;
<![CDATA[Siti Shafira Prameswari]]>;
<![CDATA[Carmeilyta Pasaribu]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 1 (2026): Maret: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i1.2373
<![CDATA[This study aims to explain the ambiguous role of higher education institutions in ensuring the safety and human rights of students as citizens. The increasing number of cases of academic violence, bullying, and excessive pressure indicates that the functions of universities are often limited to purely administrative aspects, thereby neglecting the need for legal protection. This research employs a normative legal method with a conceptual analysis approach to examine how the state, through its legal framework, defines the role of universities as both educational institutions and legal entities in carrying out the delegated responsibility of protecting human rights. The findings reveal that the state has not succeeded in effectively regulating student protection, as there is a significant gap between central regulations and their implementation within autonomous campuses. Although the state normatively requires universities to provide a safe environment for students, the lack of adequate oversight systems has resulted in protection measures that are largely reactive. This condition leaves limited room for preventive actions, indicating that the protection of students’ rights has not yet been implemented in a comprehensive and sustainable manner.]]>
<![CDATA[Mengadili Politik Uang: Peran DKPP ]]>
<![CDATA[Fedila Wica Tsabitah]]>;
<![CDATA[Intan Nuraini]]>
<![CDATA[ Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Juni: Birokrasi: JURNAL ILMU HUKUM DAN TATA NEGARA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Yappi Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.55606/birokrasi.v4i2.2382
<![CDATA[The practice of money politics remains a serious challenge in the implementation of the 2024 General Election and the 2024 Regional Elections in Indonesia, as it has the potential to undermine the principles of fairness, honesty, and democratic integrity. This study aims to analyze the role of the Election Organizer Ethics Council (DKPP) in adjudicating violations related to money politics, particularly from the ethical perspective of election organizers. The method used is a qualitative approach through literature study of laws, regulations, and DKPP decisions. The findings indicate that DKPP plays a strategic role in maintaining the neutrality and professionalism of election organizers by enforcing the code of ethics, imposing sanctions, and supervising behaviors that may involve or tolerate money politics practices. Although DKPP's authority is limited to the ethical domain and does not extend to criminal law enforcement, its existence remains crucial as a moral guardian within the electoral system. Therefore, synergy between DKPP, law enforcement institutions, and public participation is necessary to minimize money politics and to realize democratic and integrity-based elections.]]>
