Palito: Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social
PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) is a journal published by Andalas Institute of International Studies (ASSIST) as a platform dedicated to a better understanding of international issues that aims to develop international studies.
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48 Documents
<![CDATA[Analisis Implementasi Pascaban Amandemen Tahun 2019 Konvensi Basel di Kota Batam Mengenai Pelarangan Impor Sampah Plastik ]]>
<![CDATA[Vatdra, Thassya]]>;
<![CDATA[Anita Afriani Sinulingga]]>;
<![CDATA[Putriviola Elian Nasir]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 01 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.01.1-18.2022
<![CDATA[This study aims to describe the implementation of the Ban Amendment to the Basel Convention in 2019 in Batam. Batam city is one of the cities that has a port that has been designated as a point of entry and exit for the import of non-B3 waste and/or waste. This situation led to the discovery of many imports of B3 waste and/or waste, especially plastic waste, which peaked in 2019. In this study, the researcher uses the concept of regime implementation at the domestic level, which analyzes the behavior of social actors in implementing regime provisions at the domestic level by the provisions of the regime. Data collection and analysis were carried out using qualitative methods and descriptive-analysis approaches. Researchers found that social actors involved in implementing the Basel Convention in Batam city, especially regarding the prohibition of the importation of B3 waste still have not fully participated in realizing the country's targets that comply with the provisions of the regime. ]]>
<![CDATA[REPATRIASI PENGUNGSI SURIAH: PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN TURKI DALAM MERESPON KRISIS PENGUNGSI ]]>
<![CDATA[Izzatinnisa, Izzatinnisa]]>; Muhammad Yusra;
<![CDATA[Maryam Jamilah]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 01 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.01.19-44.2022
<![CDATA[This study aim to explain the driving factor of Turkish foreign policy change to repatriation refugees of Syria in 2019. As the largest house country for refugees in the world since 2011, Turkey which inclined to be accommodating in implementing the policy towards refugees, suddenly changed to plan repatriation of refugees that began in August 2019. The research method is qualitative with descriptive approach. Base on the concept, this study found that only two factors can explain the driving factor of Turkish foreign policy change to repatriation refugees of Syria, there are in domestic factors such us the government system changed from parlementary system to presidential system, the decrease influence of AK Parti in Turkish society, and negative sentiment between Turkish and refugees. Meanwhile in international factors such us there has friction relationship between Turkey and Rusia to solve Syrian conflict, degradation of cooperation commitment between EU and Turkey, and economic barrier between Turkey and US]]>
<![CDATA[Sekuritisasi Isu Imigran di Amerika Serikat di Masa Pemerintahan Donald Trump ]]>
<![CDATA[Usman, Anisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Darman Moenir, Haiyyu]]>;
<![CDATA[Jon Nanda, Bima]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 01 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.01.45-58.2022
<![CDATA[The issue of securitization regarding immigrants in the US is an issue that has become a public discussion since Donald Trump campaign as a US presidential candidate in the 2016 election. He has publicly conveyed xenophobic anti-immigrant rhetoric. Researchers assume that the existence of securitization makes the issue of immigrants a threat that endangers US nationalsecurity. This is done by conveying speech acts to influence public opinion, thus making the issue of immigrants a problem that requires emergency handling or extraordinary policies that have never been carried out by the previous government. This study aims to describe the stagesof the securitization process on the issue of immigrants in the US during the Donald Trump administration. This research was analyzed with the conceptual framework of the securitization stages of Barry Buzan, Waever, and Jaap de Wilde, which consisted of the stage of raising the issue and the stage of convincing the audience. This research method uses a qualitative approach with descriptive-analytical research and uses secondary data sources. This study found that the securitization process begins with the stages of raising issues through the role of the mass media, the influence of the Republican party promoted by Donald Trump, then continues with the stage of convincing the audience through the delivery of speeches by Donald Trump, Sebastian Gorka, Michael Flynn and Jeff Sessions. Then by issuing emergency and securitization measures legitimized by the audience as evidenced by the increasing US public voice supporting the expansion of the US-Mexico border wall.]]>
<![CDATA[Third Party Intervention:Strategi Tiongkok di Konflik Sudan Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadhilah Putri, Erti]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 01 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.01.58-83.2022
<![CDATA[This research explores and details some of the civil conflicts that occurred in South Sudan in 2013 and China strategy to seek a peace process that China has never done before. The intervention carried out by China today in civil conflict in South Sudan is an effort to bring the peace process known as third party intervention. This study adopted from third party intervention Ronald J. Fisher by using the contingency model as a tool to analyze the stages of intervention carried out by China in accordance with the conditions of the conflict that occurred. This study uses qualitative methods with secondary data collection techniques. The findings of this study indicate that China has an important role in the peace process in the civil conflict of South Sudan. China active role can be seen that China has taken several forms of interventions such as negotiation, mediation, power mediation, providing development assistance and special consultations. But China success in pursuing peace in South Sudan is when conflict conditions in the level of destruction of China carry outactions peacekeeping as a form of controlling violence and encouraging arbitration and consultation to realize a ceasefire. China success in pursuing peace is in line with the contingency modelthat offers the type of intervention that is suitable at the intervention stage in such conflict conditions. This shows the effectiveness of the contingency model in offering conflict resolution.]]>
<![CDATA[KRISIS UTANG SRI LANKA DALAM KERJA SAMA PEMBANGUNAN PROYEK PELABUHAN HAMBANTOTA DENGAN TIONGKOK ]]>
<![CDATA[Azalia Hasanah, Rona]]>;
<![CDATA[Afriani Sinulingga, Anita]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggraini Austin, Diah]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 01 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.01.83-98.2022
<![CDATA[This research aims to analyze the cause of Sri Lanka’s debt crisis in Hambantota Port Development Project with Tiongkok. Hambantota Port was built in order to turn the wheels of the economy that had been collapsed after 25 years of civil war. Besides, this port is located in strategic position in international shipping lines and this urged China to cooperate with Sri Lanka by funding most of the port development cost. However, the project that was supposed to enhance Sri Lanka’s economy, leads Sri Lanka into debt crisis. This research uses Theodore H Cohn’s concept of debt crisis in nation level. Data collection techniques and analysis were carried out using qualitative methods and explanative approaches. This study found that Sri Lanks’s debt crisis occurs because of irresponsible behavior of the both party that participated in this cooperation. China as the creditor aggresively lends Sri Lanka without respectively looking at Sri Lanka’s credit liability. On the other hand, Sri Lanka as the debtor tends to avoid the conditions that they thought as burdensome for them and the government was not able to handle the prolonged budget deficit, not able to make a good policy in facing debt situation, lack of transparency and high level of corruption.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Pemulihan Hubungan Bilateral Indonesia dan Australia Pascapenyadapan Tahun 2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Yovi Maulana, Ikhsan]]>;
<![CDATA[Harza, Zulkifli]]>;
<![CDATA[Jon Nanda, Bima]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 02 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.02.1-16.2022
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mendorong Indonesia menormalisasi hubungan bilateral Indonesia dan Australia pascapenyadapan tahun 2013. Penyadapan yang dilakukan Australia terkuak pada tahun 2013, Indonesia merespons dengan melakukan penarikan perwakilan diplomatik negara dan memberhentikan sementara hubungan ekonomi, politik, dan keamanan. Indonesia menginginkan klarifikasi dan permintaan maaf dari Australia, namun pemerintah Australia menolak melakukan hal tersebut. Tindakan Australia tersebut dikecam oleh Indonesia karena dianggap telah meremehkan Indonesia. Meskipun permintaan maaf tersebut tidak terpenuhi, namun langkah-langkah normalisasi lebih agresif dilakukan Indonesia. Faktor-faktor yang mendorong Indonesia menormalisasi hubungan bilateral dengan Australia akan diteliti menggunakan konsep yang dikemukakan oleh Ethan Zawatsky dan Ashley Gemma yaitu normalisasi yang memiliki empat faktor yaitu political turnover, economic interest, interest groups, dan public sentiment. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Peneliti menemukan bahwa dari keempat faktor pendorong normalisasi terdapat dua indikator yang terpenuhi menjadi pendorong Indonesia menormalisasi hubungan bilateral Indonesia dan Australia pascapenyadapan tahun 2013, yaitu economic interest dan public sentiment.]]>
<![CDATA[Persepsi Narendra Modi Dalam Kebijakan India Menarik Diri Dari Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Tahun 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Azhari, Azhari]]>;
<![CDATA[Darman Moenir, Haiyyu]]>;
<![CDATA[Jamillah, Maryam]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 02 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.02.28-43.2022
<![CDATA[The Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi introduced the Act East Policy (AEP) which was presented at the ASEAN Summit in Myanmar, November 2014. The AEP policy is a reflection of the long-term economy and takes advantage of its strategic position to create closer relations with countries in the Asian region. Pacific. One of the ways to achieve India's economic growth is to establish various frameworks of economic cooperation. However, in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement in the negotiation stage, Modi withdrawal India from RCEP. This research aims to analyze The perception of Modi in formulating India policy of withdraw from the 2019 RCEP. This research has its urgency because India's political dynamics have initially participated in negotiations since 2012 during Modi's leadership period, then decided to withdraw from the RCEP.. This shows that Narendra Modi has his own perception of RCEP. To see Modi's perception, this research uses a framework of thinking about the relationship between perception and decision making according to Ole R. Holsti. This study uses a qualitative research method with a descriptive analytical approach using secondary data. Furthermore, based on a framework related to Holsti's perception, this study finds that Modi's belief system and image are not in line with RCEP because it is not in accordance with the belief system that influenced Modi, namely the rejection of domestic actors, the trade balance deficit, the rejection of the Three Tier Approach proposal, Hindu nationalist and Gandhiji Talisman and not in accordance with the image that should have happened according to Modi, namely realizing Make in India and India First.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Kebangkitan RRT Terhadap Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia Pada Era Presiden Joko Widodo ]]>
<![CDATA[Rianti, Nova]]>; Yusra, Muhammad;
<![CDATA[Dermawan, Rifki]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 2 No. 01 (2023): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.2.01.16-28.2023
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh kebangkitan RRT terhadap politik luar negeri Indonesia pada era Presiden Joko Widodo. Penelitian ini memiliki urgensi tentang RRT yang saat ini sedang mengalami kebangkitanmendorong perubahan politik luar negeri berbagai negara dalam memandang dan menjalin hubungan diplomatik dengan RRT. Pada penelitian ini peneliti akan melihat bagaimana dengan posisi Indonesia menanggapi tren kebangkitan RRT tersebut.Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep image theory dari Richard K. Herrmann dan Michael P. Fischerkeller yang mengidentifikasi bahwa dalam melihat perilaku aktor dalam hubungan internasional akan lebih baik jika melihatnya dari penggambaran verbal terhadap dinamika dalam hubungan luar negeri. Teknik pengumpulan data pada penelitian ini ialah kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dari lima gambaran yang ada dalam image theory maka image yang diberikan oleh Indonesia kepada RRT pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo ialah ally. Hal ini dilihat dari motivasi RRT, kapabilitas RRT, dan proses pengambilan keputusan oleh RRT. Indonesia memandang RRT sebagai ally bagi pembangunan nasionalnya sehingga mendorong Indonesia untuk mempererat hubungan dan kerja samanya dengan RRT. Kata Kunci: Joko Widodo, Image Theory, Indonesia, Tiongkok]]>
<![CDATA[HAMBATAN INDONESIA DALAM IMPLEMENTASI UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION AGAINST CORRUPTION (UNCAC) TAHUN 2015-2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ade Rizandi, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Afriani Sinulingga, Anita]]>;
<![CDATA[Mustika Permata, Inda]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 1 No. 02 (2022): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.1.02.43-59.2022
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini menganalisis tentang hambatan Indonesia dalam implementasi UNCAC 2015-2020. Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara pihak pada konvensi PBB Anti Korupsi UNCAC. Namun sejak tahun 2015, Indonesia mulai mengalami kemunduran dalam upaya pengimplementasian UNCAC. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep teori ketidakpatuhan negara yang dikemukakan oleh Abram Chayes dan Antonia Handler Chayes. Terdapat tiga variabel dalam menjelaskan tentang ketidakpatuhan negara terhadap suatu perjanjian internasional yaitu ambiguity, limitation on capacity dan temporal dimension. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif. Data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat dua faktor utama yang menghambat implementasi UNCAC oleh Indonesia. Adanya ambiguitas bahasa dalam pelaksanaan beberapa tindak pidana korupsi yang belum dikriminalisasi oleh Indonesia serta kapasitas pembuat regulasi yang belum meharmonisasi UNCAC ke dalam hukum domestik dan lembaga penegak hukum yang belum maksimal.]]>
<![CDATA[Pertimbangan Turki Dalam Menyetujui EU-Turkey Statement 2016: Penanggulangan Pengungsi dan Irregular Migrants di Eropa ]]>
<![CDATA[Omnif, Fitria Wulandari]]>; Yusra, Muhammad;
<![CDATA[Jamilah, Maryam]]>
<![CDATA[ Palito Vol. 2 No. 01 (2023): PALITO (Politics, Humanities, Laws, International Relations and Social) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/palito.2.01.29-41.2023
<![CDATA[In 2016, European Union and Turkey had EU-Turkey Statement partnership to manage refugees flow who involved in irregular migration to EU. This partnership required Turki to reduce the irregular migration rate and to bring those irregular migrants back to Turkey. Turkey agreed on this agreement despite hosting a huge amount of refugees and being host country with the largest number of refugees globally. This study aimed to analyze the consideration done by Turkey in agreeing the partnership. The research method used is qualitative with descriptive approach. This study was analyzed with national security policy conceptual framework which explains state behavior in policy-making by Paul R. Viotti and Mark V. Kauppi. There are four considerations in policy making process such as interests and objectives, opportunities, threats, and capabilities. Based on the concept used, this study found that Turkey considered three things in agreeing EU-Turkey Statement 2016. Firstly, the interests and objectives from political and economical aspect which are EU membership negotiation, visa liberalization, and EU financial aid for taking care of refugees in Turkey. Secondly, the opportunities for Turkey to leverage/uplift its bargaining power. Thirdly, consideration about its capabilities in facing refugee flow in political, social, and economical aspects.]]>
