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Polit Journal
Published by Britain International for Academic Research Publisher
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27755843     DOI : https://doi.org/10.33258
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Polit Journal is Scientific Journal of Politics is an international journal using a peer-reviewed process published in February, May, August and November by Britain International for Academic Research Publisher (BIAR-Publisher). Polit welcomes research papers in politics, parliamentary, political party and other researches relating to politics. It is published in both online and printed version.
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Articles 127 Documents
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Modeling Conflict Resolution in Ethiopian Social Networks (2015–2025): A Statistical Physics Approach to Stability and Equilibrium Dynamics Belay Sitotaw Goshu; Muhammad Ridwan
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 5 No 4 (2025): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, November
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/polit.v5i4.1430

Abstract

Ethiopia’s social networks from 2015 to 2025 have been marked by ethnic tensions and conflict, necessitating strategies to enhance stability and cohesion. This study aims to identify key factors influencing stability in Ethiopian social networks and propose data-driven strategies for conflict resolution. A small-world network with 100 nodes was simulated using the Ising model at (T = 0.5), with sensitivity analysis varying rewiring probabilities (p = 0.05, 0.1, 0.2) and external influence (h = 0.0, 0.1, 0.3) over 5000 iterations. Simulated empirical data included influence scores and edge weights, reflecting real-world dynamics. High clustering (0.45 at (p = 0.05) correlated with stability, while high (h) (0.3) reduced stability by 12%. Clustering-magnetization correlations ranged from 0.8016 (h = 0.0) to -0.9665 (h = 0.3), and betweenness-magnetization correlations shifted from 0.4639 to -0.7603, highlighting external influence’s disruptive effect. Clustering drives stability, but excessive external influence undermines it, as seen in Ethiopia’s conflict patterns. Policymakers should strengthen local networks and minimize external interventions to enhance cohesion.
Challenges of Female Activists and the Use of Social Media for 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria Bolanle Olayinka Idowu; Moshood Babatunde Abdul-Wasi; Olayinka Babatunde Adebogun
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Social media have galvanising impact on feminists’ issues, serving as tools for political communication and mobilisation. In amplifying gender equity in political seats, Nigerian female activists were often subjected to multiple barriers, hindering the attainment of the SDG5. Previous studies in communication of gender equity have focused on how the Nigerian female activists utilised the use of social media to raise this call. However, there is a dearth of literature on the challenges encountered by female activists while engaging social media for more women participation in politics. This study was, therefore, designed to examine the challenges encountered by female activists in the use of Social Media for 2023 Presidential election in Nigeria, with a view to establishing the extent of difficulties faced. Uses and Gratification and Patriarchy Hegemony theories were used as the framework while the qualitative design was adopted. Datareportal 44.7 percent of Nigeria’s social media users were female out of which existed Nigerian female activists. Fifteen female activists were purposively selected with snowball sampling also adopted. In-depth interview was adopted in eliciting responses using interview guide as research instrument. The findings reveal the female activists encountered cyber bullying and online threats, disinformation and misinformation, tribal bullying and patriarchal dominance, defamatory comments, hacking and account and suspension to the extent of having technical and financial barriers.
Quantum Enhanced Multimodal Analysis of Political Polarization on TikTok: A Case Study of Ethiopia’s Digital Public Sphere Belay Sitotaw Goshu
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Ethiopia's political landscape, characterized by ethnic federalism and the National Dialogue process, faces escalating polarization amplified by TikTok's algorithmically curated content. Traditional machine learning approaches struggle to capture the quantum-like dynamics of political discourse, superposition of identities, entanglement of ethnic and ideological factors, and context-dependent meaning. This study introduces the first quantum-enhanced multimodal framework for analyzing political discourse on Ethiopian TikTok, integrating quantum entanglement-driven fake news detection (Q-ALIGNer), quantum LSTM sentiment analysis, and quantum frequency-based opinion shift modeling (OpinionXf). We developed a hybrid quantum-classical pipeline processing 50,000 Amharic, Oromo, Tigrinya, and English TikTok videos. Q-ALIGNer encodes text, video, and audio modalities as quantum states with entanglement-based fusion. Quantum LSTM captures temporal sentiment evolution, while OpinionXf models opinion shifts using frequency-domain transformations. Performance was evaluated against classical baselines using 10-fold cross-validation. Q-ALIGNER achieved 92.5% accuracy, outperforming classical models by 8.2–13.9%, with only 4.6% accuracy drop under adversarial attack versus 11.9% for classical models. Quantum LSTM achieved 89.7% accuracy with 15.2% MAE reduction over AfriBERTa. Sarcasm detection improved by 8.4% and coded political language by 9.1%. OpinionXf achieved 85.7% precision and 100% recall for 72-hour early warning, detecting shifts 3–6 days before classical models. Ablation study revealed quantum layers contributed 46.3% and entanglement 53.7% of total performance gain. Entanglement-based similarity maps revealed three political actor clusters with intra-cluster entanglement 0.85–0.92 versus inter-cluster 0.65–0.72. Quantum-enhanced frameworks significantly improve detection of misinformation, sentiment polarization, and opinion shifts in Ethiopian political discourse, enabling proactive early warning systems. Deploy the 3-layer quantum model with all-to-all entanglement for Ethiopia's National Dialogue Commission, prioritizing high-persuadability local issues while approaching identity-based topics through deliberative processes.
Ethiopian Women, the Law of Safuu, and Ecofeminist Climate Justice in Genesis 2 Belay Sitotaw Goshu; Muhammad Ridwan
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Mainstream eco-theological readings of Genesis 2:4–17 have emphasized “stewardship” or “dominion” without engaging African Indigenous legal systems or the concrete climate knowledge of Ethiopian women. The Oromo moral-ecological law of Safuu, a system of prohibitions against pollution, deforestation, and over-extraction remains largely absent from biblical interpretation and climate justice discourse. This article advances an Ethio-ecofeminist reading of Genesis 2:4–17, arguing that the creation narrative, interpreted through Safuu and the lived agency of Ethiopian women as seed-keepers, water fetchers, and sacred-grove guardians, yields a juridical-ecological mandate for climate justice. The study employs decolonial feminist biblical criticism and Oromo epistemology, conducting a verse-by-verse exegesis of Genesis 2:4–17 alongside ethnographic and policy analysis of Ethiopian women’s climate burdens, the Gadaa governance system, and forest carbon offset schemes. Findings: The Hebrew adam-adamah kinship resonates with Oromo Uumaa (creation as family); the prohibition of the tree of knowledge functions as a Safuu boundary protecting interdependence; and the mandate to avad and samar (to till and to keep) charges humans with sacred service and protective guardianship. Ethiopian women’s watershed councils, seed cooperatives, and liturgical forest rituals enact this mandate against extractive agriculture and carbon offset projects that displace them. Conclusion: Genesis 2, read through Safuu and Ethiopian women, replaces the “dominion” model with an indigenous, gendered framework for climate justice grounded in communal land trusts, water commons, and restorative enforcement. Policy makers should recognise women’s Idir assemblies as official water governance bodies, mandate free prior informed consent for forest carbon projects, and integrate Safuu-based dispute resolution into land administration.
Collective Action for Public Health, Fragmented Action for Public Peace: Institutional Resilience and Failure in Ethiopia's Religious Councils Belay Sitotaw Goshu; Muhammad Ridwan
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Ethiopia’s Inter‑Religious Council of Ethiopia (IRCE) successfully mobilised collective action against COVID‑19 but has failed to mediate the country’s multiple ethnic conflicts. This paradox challenges assumptions about the peacebuilding potential of religious institutions. This study investigates why the same religious institutions demonstrate high collective action for public health but fragmentation for peace, testing whether threat type (exogenous vs. endogenous) explains divergent outcomes. A comparative case study design was employed, comparing the IRCE’s response to COVID‑19 (exogenous threat) with four ethnic conflicts (endogenous threats): Tigray, Oromo, Amhara, and Gurage. Data sources included IRCE public statements, news archives, ACLED conflict data, NGO reports, and peer‑reviewed literature. Analysis traced five criteria: public statements, ceasefire calls, mediation attempts, humanitarian roles, and internal unity. COVID‑19 produced high collective action, leader neutrality, state partnership, clear positive‑sum goals, and success. All four ethnic conflicts produced low to very low collective action, loss of leader neutrality, the state as protagonist, zero‑sum goals, and failure. The Gurage case involving co‑religionists on both sides demonstrated that even shared faith cannot overcome endogenous partisan divisions. Foundational weaknesses include government co‑optation of religious leaders into the ruling party, financial dependency, and abandonment of religious doctrines demanding justice. Ethnic identity overrides religious authority in endogenous conflicts. The IRCE’s institutional design assumes neutrality that no longer exists when the state is a belligerent and leaders share ethnic identities with combatants. Institutional resilience is domain‑specific: success in public health does not transfer to peacebuilding. During active civil wars, donors should support local, traditional peace custodians (e.g., Aba Gars) rather than national inter‑religious councils, and prioritise internal ethnic de‑escalation within religious bodies before external mediation.
Collapse and Continuity in the Kingdom of Aksum: Why the Stelae Fell but the Ark Endured Belay Sitotaw Goshu
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

The Kingdom of Aksum (c. 1st–7th centuries CE) stands as one of ancient Africa's most sophisticated civilizations, evidenced by monumental engineering feats including granite stelae weighing up to 500 tonnes. Yet by the 8th century, the centralized state had collapsed, its trade networks disintegrated, and its capacity for large-scale construction vanished. Paradoxically, the religious institutions that emerged alongside these monuments the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and its claim to house the Ark of the Covenant survived and became the enduring foundation of Ethiopian national identity for over 1,500 years. This paper addresses a central research Why did Aksum's political and technological systems collapse catastrophically while its spiritual systems demonstrated remarkable continuity? The study synthesizes archaeological evidence from the stelae field, paleoclimatic data from Lake Tana sediment cores, textual analysis of Ezana's trilingual inscriptions and the Kebra Nagast, and art historical examination of stele carving techniques and church architecture. Political and technological systems collapsed because they were fragile, centralized, and dependent on conditions that failed prolonged drought, trade disruption following Arab conquests, and soil exhaustion. Spiritual systems endured because they were decentralized, embedded in local communities, ritually reproducible without external inputs, and organized around portable or concealable symbols, particularly the Ark of the Covenant. Aksum's state exemplified a high-complexity, low-resilience system, while its religious institutions constituted lower complexity but higher resilience. Future research should pursue three directions: excavation of post-Aksumite rural settlements to understand local adaptation; paleoethnobotanical analysis of agricultural change during the drought period; and comparative study of religious resilience in other collapsed African states, including Great Zimbabwe and the Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia.
Reconstruction of Corporate Criminal Liability for Corruption Crimes in the Banking Sector Based on Justice and Legal Certainty Indra Gunawan Purba
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 2 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, May
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Corruption in the banking sector constitutes one form of corporate crime that has broad implications for the stability of the financial system, public trust, and the national economy. Such conditions create legal uncertainty and potentially hinder the realization of substantive justice in the eradication of banking corruption. This study aims to analyze the legal framework governing corporate criminal liability for banking corruption in Indonesia, identify normative and practical weaknesses that have caused corporate punishment to remain suboptimal, and formulate a reconstructed model of corporate criminal liability based on justice and legal certainty. This research employs a normative legal research method using statutory, conceptual, and case approaches. Primary legal materials consist of legislation, court decisions, and related legal documents, which are analyzed qualitatively by applying theories of corporate criminal liability, justice, and legal certainty. The findings reveal that the regulation of corporate criminal liability in banking corruption cases remains sectoral and has not yet provided clear parameters regarding the attribution of corporate fault, identification of controlling actors, and the relationship between individual fault and corporate fault. There are inconsistencies in judicial practice that often allow corporations to evade criminal sanctions despite having benefited from corruption committed by their directors or employees. Therefore, a reconstruction of the corporate criminal liability system is required through the affirmation of a corporate fault model integrating the doctrines of identification theory, aggregation theory, and the corporate culture model, accompanied by clearer regulations concerning the criteria of corporate fault, evidentiary mechanisms, and proportional and effective sanctions. This study concludes that the reconstruction of corporate criminal liability for banking corruption must be directed toward establishing a legal system capable of balancing the values of justice, legal certainty, and utility through the explicit recognition of corporations as independent criminal offenders, thereby enabling the eradication of corruption in the banking sector to be carried out more effectively, consistently, and fairly.
Local Government Administration in Nigeria: A Platform for Participatory Governance in Rural Decentralization Olaoye Olumuyiwa Joseph; Joshua Kayode Okunade
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 2 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, May
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

The evolution of governance is inherently linked to the establishment of family and societal structures, which have led to a complex and organized local government system considered fundamental for any society (Jamo, 2006). In Nigeria, local government represents the third tier of governance, established by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria primarily to facilitate rural development effectively. Its proximity to rural communities positions local governments as crucial administrative entities responsible for providing social and economic services, thereby enhancing living standards and enabling conditions for development (Ojinnaka & Ohazurike, 2024). The 1999 Constitution outlines that local governments exist to bridge the service delivery gap that federal and state governments cannot fill due to their geographical remoteness from local communities. This constitutional provision emphasizes the imperative to decentralize governance, bringing it closer to citizens to foster socio-economic and political advancement in rural areas (Ojinnaka, 2018). Moreover, Section 7 (1) mandates that local governments in Nigeria be democratically elected, reinforcing their role in governance despite past reforms, including the significant 1976 restructuring aimed at enhancing local government's capacities. However, the performance of local governments in Nigeria concerning their statutory obligations has been suboptimal. The rationale for local government creation globally highlights its essential function in promoting grassroots development. Furthermore, local governance plays a vital role in establishing a sense of belonging among community members, fostering national unity, and nurturing democratic awareness—particularly important within Nigeria's heterogeneous socio-political landscape characterized by ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity. Scholarly definitions of local government emphasize the concept as a means of transferring political authority to localities, allowing residents to engage directly in addressing their community's needs.
Strategic Communication and Electoral Outcomes in Nigeria: Examining the Influence of New Media Campaigns on Voter Behaviour Okunade Joshua Kayode; Abdullahi Aliyu Maiwada; Mohammed Jibril Nasir; Joseph Ifeoluwa Joy
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 2 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, May
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

This study explores the role of strategic communication in Nigerian political campaigns, emphasizing the impact of new media and messaging strategies on electoral outcomes. This research aims to fill this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of how strategic communication, facilitated by new media, influences political campaigns and electoral results in Nigeria. Two pertinent theories deployed for the study are the Agenda-Setting Theory and the Uses and Gratifications Theory. A questionnaire survey was administered to a diverse sample of Nigerian voters, yielding insights into demographic characteristics, primary sources of political information, and perceptions of strategic communication effectiveness. This study underscores the critical role of strategic communication in Nigerian political campaigns, particularly through digital platforms. The findings reveal that a well-educated and economically diverse electorate, predominantly middle-aged and self-employed, engages actively in political discourse. With social media emerging as the primary source of political information, platforms such as Instagram and Twitter have become pivotal in mobilizing and influencing voters, especially young adults. The study highlights that message consistency and clarity significantly impact voter behavior, reinforcing the effectiveness of emotional and issue-based messaging. It is recommended that political organizations and media houses should conduct digital literacy campaigns to help voters critically assess political information just as an increased interactivity on social media platforms can enhance direct engagement between political actors and the electorate. Policymakers should implement guidelines to curb misinformation and promote fact-based political communication. Social media platforms should collaborate with electoral bodies to prevent the spread of misleading political content.
Social Media and Voter Mobilization during Nigeria’s 2023 General Elections: An Analysis of Political Campaign Strategies and Citizen Engagement Joseph Ifeoluwa Joy; Mohammed Jibril Nasir; Abdullahi Aliyu Maiwada
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 2 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, May
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

The 2023 Nigerian General Elections marked a significant turning point in the country’s democratic process, with social media emerging as a central platform for political communication, voter mobilization, and citizen engagement. This paper examines the role of social media in shaping electoral participation during the elections, focusing on how political actors employed digital platforms to disseminate campaign messages, influence public opinion, and mobilize voters. The study further explores the extent to which citizens utilized social media to access political information, participate in political discussions, and engage with electoral processes. The research adopted a qualitative approach based on secondary data analysis. Data were gathered from scholarly journal articles, election observation reports, policy documents, publications from electoral and civil society organizations, media reports, and existing studies on digital political communication and electoral participation in Nigeria. The paper contends that while social media enhanced political awareness and participation, it simultaneously created opportunities for the spread of misinformation, disinformation, political polarization, and digital manipulation that influenced electoral discourse. The paper discovered that social media played a critical role in increasing voter engagement, expanding political participation among previously marginalized groups, and strengthening issue-based political conversations during the election period. However, the effectiveness of these platforms in promoting democratic participation was constrained by challenges relating to information credibility, digital inequalities, and the proliferation of false narratives. The study concludes that social media has become an indispensable instrument of electoral mobilization and democratic engagement in Nigeria.

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