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Polit Journal
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27755843     DOI : https://doi.org/10.33258
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Polit Journal is Scientific Journal of Politics is an international journal using a peer-reviewed process published in February, May, August and November by Britain International for Academic Research Publisher (BIAR-Publisher). Polit welcomes research papers in politics, parliamentary, political party and other researches relating to politics. It is published in both online and printed version.
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Articles 116 Documents
Modeling Conflict Resolution in Ethiopian Social Networks (2015–2025): A Statistical Physics Approach to Stability and Equilibrium Dynamics Belay Sitotaw Goshu; Muhammad Ridwan
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 5 No 4 (2025): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, November
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/polit.v5i4.1430

Abstract

Ethiopia’s social networks from 2015 to 2025 have been marked by ethnic tensions and conflict, necessitating strategies to enhance stability and cohesion. This study aims to identify key factors influencing stability in Ethiopian social networks and propose data-driven strategies for conflict resolution. A small-world network with 100 nodes was simulated using the Ising model at (T = 0.5), with sensitivity analysis varying rewiring probabilities (p = 0.05, 0.1, 0.2) and external influence (h = 0.0, 0.1, 0.3) over 5000 iterations. Simulated empirical data included influence scores and edge weights, reflecting real-world dynamics. High clustering (0.45 at (p = 0.05) correlated with stability, while high (h) (0.3) reduced stability by 12%. Clustering-magnetization correlations ranged from 0.8016 (h = 0.0) to -0.9665 (h = 0.3), and betweenness-magnetization correlations shifted from 0.4639 to -0.7603, highlighting external influence’s disruptive effect. Clustering drives stability, but excessive external influence undermines it, as seen in Ethiopia’s conflict patterns. Policymakers should strengthen local networks and minimize external interventions to enhance cohesion.
Challenges of Female Activists and the Use of Social Media for 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria Bolanle Olayinka Idowu; Moshood Babatunde Abdul-Wasi; Olayinka Babatunde Adebogun
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Social media have galvanising impact on feminists’ issues, serving as tools for political communication and mobilisation. In amplifying gender equity in political seats, Nigerian female activists were often subjected to multiple barriers, hindering the attainment of the SDG5. Previous studies in communication of gender equity have focused on how the Nigerian female activists utilised the use of social media to raise this call. However, there is a dearth of literature on the challenges encountered by female activists while engaging social media for more women participation in politics. This study was, therefore, designed to examine the challenges encountered by female activists in the use of Social Media for 2023 Presidential election in Nigeria, with a view to establishing the extent of difficulties faced. Uses and Gratification and Patriarchy Hegemony theories were used as the framework while the qualitative design was adopted. Datareportal 44.7 percent of Nigeria’s social media users were female out of which existed Nigerian female activists. Fifteen female activists were purposively selected with snowball sampling also adopted. In-depth interview was adopted in eliciting responses using interview guide as research instrument. The findings reveal the female activists encountered cyber bullying and online threats, disinformation and misinformation, tribal bullying and patriarchal dominance, defamatory comments, hacking and account and suspension to the extent of having technical and financial barriers.
Quantum Enhanced Multimodal Analysis of Political Polarization on TikTok: A Case Study of Ethiopia’s Digital Public Sphere Belay Sitotaw Goshu
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Ethiopia's political landscape, characterized by ethnic federalism and the National Dialogue process, faces escalating polarization amplified by TikTok's algorithmically curated content. Traditional machine learning approaches struggle to capture the quantum-like dynamics of political discourse, superposition of identities, entanglement of ethnic and ideological factors, and context-dependent meaning. This study introduces the first quantum-enhanced multimodal framework for analyzing political discourse on Ethiopian TikTok, integrating quantum entanglement-driven fake news detection (Q-ALIGNer), quantum LSTM sentiment analysis, and quantum frequency-based opinion shift modeling (OpinionXf). We developed a hybrid quantum-classical pipeline processing 50,000 Amharic, Oromo, Tigrinya, and English TikTok videos. Q-ALIGNer encodes text, video, and audio modalities as quantum states with entanglement-based fusion. Quantum LSTM captures temporal sentiment evolution, while OpinionXf models opinion shifts using frequency-domain transformations. Performance was evaluated against classical baselines using 10-fold cross-validation. Q-ALIGNER achieved 92.5% accuracy, outperforming classical models by 8.2–13.9%, with only 4.6% accuracy drop under adversarial attack versus 11.9% for classical models. Quantum LSTM achieved 89.7% accuracy with 15.2% MAE reduction over AfriBERTa. Sarcasm detection improved by 8.4% and coded political language by 9.1%. OpinionXf achieved 85.7% precision and 100% recall for 72-hour early warning, detecting shifts 3–6 days before classical models. Ablation study revealed quantum layers contributed 46.3% and entanglement 53.7% of total performance gain. Entanglement-based similarity maps revealed three political actor clusters with intra-cluster entanglement 0.85–0.92 versus inter-cluster 0.65–0.72. Quantum-enhanced frameworks significantly improve detection of misinformation, sentiment polarization, and opinion shifts in Ethiopian political discourse, enabling proactive early warning systems. Deploy the 3-layer quantum model with all-to-all entanglement for Ethiopia's National Dialogue Commission, prioritizing high-persuadability local issues while approaching identity-based topics through deliberative processes.
Ethiopian Women, the Law of Safuu, and Ecofeminist Climate Justice in Genesis 2 Belay Sitotaw Goshu; Muhammad Ridwan
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Mainstream eco-theological readings of Genesis 2:4–17 have emphasized “stewardship” or “dominion” without engaging African Indigenous legal systems or the concrete climate knowledge of Ethiopian women. The Oromo moral-ecological law of Safuu, a system of prohibitions against pollution, deforestation, and over-extraction remains largely absent from biblical interpretation and climate justice discourse. This article advances an Ethio-ecofeminist reading of Genesis 2:4–17, arguing that the creation narrative, interpreted through Safuu and the lived agency of Ethiopian women as seed-keepers, water fetchers, and sacred-grove guardians, yields a juridical-ecological mandate for climate justice. The study employs decolonial feminist biblical criticism and Oromo epistemology, conducting a verse-by-verse exegesis of Genesis 2:4–17 alongside ethnographic and policy analysis of Ethiopian women’s climate burdens, the Gadaa governance system, and forest carbon offset schemes. Findings: The Hebrew adam-adamah kinship resonates with Oromo Uumaa (creation as family); the prohibition of the tree of knowledge functions as a Safuu boundary protecting interdependence; and the mandate to avad and samar (to till and to keep) charges humans with sacred service and protective guardianship. Ethiopian women’s watershed councils, seed cooperatives, and liturgical forest rituals enact this mandate against extractive agriculture and carbon offset projects that displace them. Conclusion: Genesis 2, read through Safuu and Ethiopian women, replaces the “dominion” model with an indigenous, gendered framework for climate justice grounded in communal land trusts, water commons, and restorative enforcement. Policy makers should recognise women’s Idir assemblies as official water governance bodies, mandate free prior informed consent for forest carbon projects, and integrate Safuu-based dispute resolution into land administration.
Collective Action for Public Health, Fragmented Action for Public Peace: Institutional Resilience and Failure in Ethiopia's Religious Councils Belay Sitotaw Goshu; Muhammad Ridwan
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

Ethiopia’s Inter‑Religious Council of Ethiopia (IRCE) successfully mobilised collective action against COVID‑19 but has failed to mediate the country’s multiple ethnic conflicts. This paradox challenges assumptions about the peacebuilding potential of religious institutions. This study investigates why the same religious institutions demonstrate high collective action for public health but fragmentation for peace, testing whether threat type (exogenous vs. endogenous) explains divergent outcomes. A comparative case study design was employed, comparing the IRCE’s response to COVID‑19 (exogenous threat) with four ethnic conflicts (endogenous threats): Tigray, Oromo, Amhara, and Gurage. Data sources included IRCE public statements, news archives, ACLED conflict data, NGO reports, and peer‑reviewed literature. Analysis traced five criteria: public statements, ceasefire calls, mediation attempts, humanitarian roles, and internal unity. COVID‑19 produced high collective action, leader neutrality, state partnership, clear positive‑sum goals, and success. All four ethnic conflicts produced low to very low collective action, loss of leader neutrality, the state as protagonist, zero‑sum goals, and failure. The Gurage case involving co‑religionists on both sides demonstrated that even shared faith cannot overcome endogenous partisan divisions. Foundational weaknesses include government co‑optation of religious leaders into the ruling party, financial dependency, and abandonment of religious doctrines demanding justice. Ethnic identity overrides religious authority in endogenous conflicts. The IRCE’s institutional design assumes neutrality that no longer exists when the state is a belligerent and leaders share ethnic identities with combatants. Institutional resilience is domain‑specific: success in public health does not transfer to peacebuilding. During active civil wars, donors should support local, traditional peace custodians (e.g., Aba Gars) rather than national inter‑religious councils, and prioritise internal ethnic de‑escalation within religious bodies before external mediation.
Collapse and Continuity in the Kingdom of Aksum: Why the Stelae Fell but the Ark Endured Belay Sitotaw Goshu
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 6 No 1 (2026): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, February
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

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Abstract

The Kingdom of Aksum (c. 1st–7th centuries CE) stands as one of ancient Africa's most sophisticated civilizations, evidenced by monumental engineering feats including granite stelae weighing up to 500 tonnes. Yet by the 8th century, the centralized state had collapsed, its trade networks disintegrated, and its capacity for large-scale construction vanished. Paradoxically, the religious institutions that emerged alongside these monuments the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and its claim to house the Ark of the Covenant survived and became the enduring foundation of Ethiopian national identity for over 1,500 years. This paper addresses a central research Why did Aksum's political and technological systems collapse catastrophically while its spiritual systems demonstrated remarkable continuity? The study synthesizes archaeological evidence from the stelae field, paleoclimatic data from Lake Tana sediment cores, textual analysis of Ezana's trilingual inscriptions and the Kebra Nagast, and art historical examination of stele carving techniques and church architecture. Political and technological systems collapsed because they were fragile, centralized, and dependent on conditions that failed prolonged drought, trade disruption following Arab conquests, and soil exhaustion. Spiritual systems endured because they were decentralized, embedded in local communities, ritually reproducible without external inputs, and organized around portable or concealable symbols, particularly the Ark of the Covenant. Aksum's state exemplified a high-complexity, low-resilience system, while its religious institutions constituted lower complexity but higher resilience. Future research should pursue three directions: excavation of post-Aksumite rural settlements to understand local adaptation; paleoethnobotanical analysis of agricultural change during the drought period; and comparative study of religious resilience in other collapsed African states, including Great Zimbabwe and the Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia.

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