Journal of International Relations Diponegoro
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro publishes articles on contemporary transnational crimes from a variety of methodologies and approaches. The journal was originally established to encourage scholarly publications by students from International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro. JIRUD will be pubished twice a year May and November. Journal of International Relations Diponegoro seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field. Journal of International Relations Diponegoro publishes research, development and review articles in social and political fields with the following scope: 1. Transnational Crime 2. International Crime 3. Security Studies 4. Globalization & Transnationalism 5. Humanitarianism 6. Foreign Policy 7. International Politics
Articles
500 Documents
<![CDATA[Respons Indonesia terhadap Kasus Penyadapan Australia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Mafud Shaffan]]>;
<![CDATA[Fendy Eko Wahyudi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadia Farabi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 2, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i2.20350
<![CDATA[In 2013, widespread preaching on wiretapping scandal conducted by the United States and its allies. This news comes after a leak of data about the list of people who tapped included their nationality. Edward Snowden, a former NSA contractor who spread the secret data. Australia was mentioned in the news by wiretapping several key people in Indonesia, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. In response, the Government of Indonesia took some action as a clarification step by withdrawing the Ambassador, also cutting all bilateral aggrement in security and information sector. This study will aim to examine the causes of the Government of Indonesia in issuing such responses. Using the concept of national security based on the actor's understanding of threats coming measured by its own vulnerabilities. This research proves that the reason the Government of Indonesia in doing the response is based on the existence of national insecurity caused by wiretapping’s threats that are been there cause of vulnerabilty of Indonesian’s technology and information security]]>
<![CDATA[PENGAMBILAN KEBIJAKAN RASIONAL OLEH PEMERINTAH TINGKOK TERHADAP ETNIS UIGHUR DI XINJIANG 2014 - 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatimah Zahrah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 9, Nomor 1, Tahun 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v9i1.37526
<![CDATA[In 2014 an act of terror shocked Chinese citizen. After investigation, it was found that this crime was committed by few Uighurs’ descendants. This situation had made China strengthened its national security by implementing Strike Hard Against Extremist Terrorism and Reeducation Policies in Xinjiang which predominantly inhabited by Uighurs. At first both policies were directed to maintain Chinese national security, but the aim shifted when China launched One Belt One Road program and fortifying it control in Xinjiang in order to maximize economic beneficial. This research use literature review as data gathering technic complemented by Decision Making Theory and National Security Concept to explain the reason of Chinese Government policy toward the Uighurs. The act of terror in 2014 who committed by few Uighurs’ triggered President Xi Jinping to focusing in security sector in order to maintain national stability. Decision to enforce Strike Hard Against Extremist Terrorism and Reeducation Policies at first intended to maintain security and educate the people shifted as One Belt Road commenced. Chinese government sacrifices Uighurs in order to maximize national economic benefits. ]]>
<![CDATA[UPAYA PEMERINTAH INDONESIA DAN WWF-INDONESIA DALAM MENANGGULANGI PENYELUNDUPAN TRENGGILING KE NEGARA TIONGKOK TAHUN 2013-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Chalimatus Sa'diyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Shary Charlotte Pattipelohy]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 3, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i3.24164
<![CDATA[The issue of pangolin smuggling to China is still being concern of Indonesian government and various international and non-governmental organizations. One of the international non-governmental organization (INGO) that has a focus on the issue of animal smuggling is World Wide Fund Nature (WWF) - which is an independent foundation that has been registered in accordance with Indonesian law. WWF collaborates with various countries that uphold animal rights, one of which is Indonesia itself. The Indonesian government and World Wide Fund Nature will try to eradicate pangolin smuggling into China. This was done considering the increasing demand for anteater animals from Indonesia to China. This study would like to explain the efforts of the Indonesian government and WWF regarding pangolin smuggling using the approach of internastional cooperation and international organizations. This research argues that the efforts of Indonesia and WWF in responding to pangolin smuggling to China reflect the commitment of international organizations and international cooperation in which Indonesia is one of the country that upholds the value of cooperation between countries.]]>
<![CDATA[4. PERAN PEMERINTAH THAILAND DALAH MENGATASI PENCARI SUAKA ROHINGYA DI THAILAND ]]>
<![CDATA[Sella Augita]]>;
<![CDATA[Reni Windiani]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadia Farabi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v3i1.14583
<![CDATA[This research aims to determine the cause of Thai Government's role on handling theissues of Rohingya’s asylum seekers, victims of ethnic conflict in Thailand. These problemsarise as a result of the conflict between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Moslemsin Myanmar 2012, until eventually the Rohingya moslems fled from Myanmar seekingasylum to neighboring countries. English school of thought, concept of compliance andResponsibility to Protect or R2P, is used to explain the basis and forms of Thailandcompliance on the international organizations of the United Nations (UN), as well asThailand's responsibility to protect the Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers. Theresearch method is explanative which used to analyze and explain the various problems ofRohingya asylum seekers such as the existence of smuggling and trafficking of Rohingyaasylum seekers. Results from this research is the Thai government act in accordance withthe provisions of the United Nations and international law on handling Rohingya’s asylumseekers, as a form of allegiance to United Nations and also has the responsibility toprovide human right protection for Rohingya refugees. From these findings, thesuggestions that emerged was the Government of Thailand should ratify the 1951Convention and 1967 Protocol about the international refugee protection, in order forasylum seekers to gain firm and fair access to the procedure for sanctuary.]]>
<![CDATA[Asean Value: Analisis Respon Negara asing dalam Kebijakan Penenggelaman Kapal pada Masa Pemerintahan Jokowi Tahun 2014 – 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nadhila Widya Normasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Reni Windiani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33413
<![CDATA[One of the problems that harms Indonesia the most is the problem of illegal fishing practices by foreign vessels. Illegal fishing is defined as fishing activities that are not reported to the relevant fisheries authorities and fishing activities that are not regulated by laws and regulations. Hence, the role of the government in overcoming these infringing activities is very important. One form of government countermeasures is the implementation of a ship sinking policy aimed at sinking foreign ships that steal fish in Indonesian waters. The aim of this study is to determine the foreign response to the implementation of the policy of sinking ships in Indonesian waters. To analyze this, this study uses constructivism theory, specifically the concept of identity and norms. This research is an explanatory research type and a qualitative research type with data collection techniques through documentation studies, data collection techniques through analysis of existing documents. The results of this study show that foreign countries, particularly Vietnam, the Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia, responded well to the policy of austerity imposed by Indonesia. The ASEAN principles contained in the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation (TAC) were motivated for the positive response from abroad.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisa Bantuan Luar Negeri Inggris dalam Skema Kerjasama Multistakeholder Forestry Program 3 di Jepara ]]>
<![CDATA[Mia Risa Himalia]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 3, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i3.21161
<![CDATA[Jepara is one of the biggest sector on furniture products in Indonesia. The Quality ofJepara furniture product has grown to various parts of the world. England is one of thebiggest consumer of Jepara furniture products and Europe is part of the cunsomers too.The High export rates of furniture was not comparable with the implementation of SVLKwhich has been agreed between Indonesi and Europe. Jepara was not maximally in theimplementation of SVLK then England with initiatively to provide the assistance to Jeparathrough the scheme of cooperation with MFP 3 that runs in 2014-2016. The researchmethode used is qualitative explaining what the motive of England in providing assistanceto Jepara. Then that motive is analyzed to find the facts behind the attitude from England.To answer the phenomenon, the research using the theory of constructivism. Teh resultshow that the underlying motives of England on providing assistance to Jepara is purely tohelp Jepara in SVLK ownership, beside that is a concrete act assistance of England whichhave the commitment to environment.]]>
<![CDATA[KEGAGALAN ADVOKASI HAK ASASI, HAK MINORITAS, DAN HAK KESEHATAN SEKSUAL LGBT DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ferbyani Gunawan Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Vol 10, No 2 (2025) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v10i2.47150
<![CDATA[Advokasi lesbian, gay, biseksual, dan transgender (LGBT) telah memasukkan istilah hak asasi dalam membingkai aktivitas mereka untuk melintasi batas-batas negara. Penelitian ini menemukan framework hak asasi manusia merupakan langkah strategis untuk memasuki globalisasi dengan memenangkan landasan empati dan moral masyarakat internasional. Beberapa negara kemudian mengakui hak-hak LGBT dengan asa meningkatkan martabat manusia. Namun, advokasi ini tidak selalu dapat diterima. Penelitian ini mengeksplorasi kegagalan advokasi LGBT di Indonesia dalam memperjuangkan identitas kelompok melalui hak asasi, hak minoritas, dan hak kesehatan seksualnya. Penelitian kualitatif ini ditujukan untuk menjawab alasan penolakan advokasi melalui tinjauan sejarah dan konstruksi identitas kelompok LGBT di Indonesia. Temuan penelitian ini menjelaskan mengapa kerangka hak asasi tidak berhasil di Indonesia melainkan membatasi advokasi itu sendiri bahkan dapat merugikan identitas kelompok saat mencoba mengintegrasikan nilai-nilainya ke dalam masyarakat Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[MENELUSURI UPAYA INDONESIA DALAM MELINDUNGI PEKERJA MIGRAN INDONESIA DARI HUKUMAN MATI: STUDI KASUS ETTY BINTI TOYIB DI ARAB SAUDI ERA JOKO WIDODO ]]>
<![CDATA[Felycia Oxana Kusuma]]>;
<![CDATA[Fendy Eko Wahyudi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Vol 10, No 1 (2025) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v10i1.50690
<![CDATA[Sejak kemerdekaannya, Indonesia dan Arab Saudi telah menjalin hubungan diplomatik yang mencakup berbagai sektor, termasuk ketenagakerjaan. Hubungan ini membuka peluang bagi banyak Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI) untuk mencari penghidupan yang lebih baik di Arab Saudi. Namun, PMI kerap menghadapi berbagai permasalahan serius di negara tersebut, salah satunya ancaman hukuman mati. Salah satu kasus yang menonjol adalah Etty binti Toyib, yang pada tahun 2002 dijatuhi hukuman mati atas tuduhan meracuni majikannya, Faisal Al-Ghamdi. Sebagai bagian dari implementasi Diplomasi Pro Rakyat, pemerintah Indonesia di era Joko Widodo bertanggung jawab dalam memberikan pelindungan terhadap Etty. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan pelindungan diplomatik dan diplomasi untuk menganalisis langkah-langkah yang diambil pemerintah Indonesia dalam membebaskan Etty dari ancaman hukuman mati. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Indonesia menerapkan strategi diplomasi melalui jalur formal maupun informal. Kombinasi berbagai upaya tersebut berhasil membebaskan Etty dan memulangkannya ke tanah air. Keberhasilan ini tidak terlepas dari peran sejumlah aktor serta negosiasi intensif dengan keluarga korban.]]>
<![CDATA[Kegagalan Diplomasi Indonesia-Arab Saudi Pada Kasus Tenaga Kerja Tuti Tursilawati ]]>
<![CDATA[Dimas Bagas Priambodo]]>;
<![CDATA[Rr. Hermini Susiatiningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i4.25163
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to analyze the causes of the failure of Indonesian diplomacy in the Tuti Tursilawati case in Saudi Arabia by looking at various efforts made by the Indonesian government as a sending country. the concept used in this study is the concept of diplomacy in which in this concept there are several phases that must be passed to achieve the ultimate goal of problem solving, and in this study will be highlighted regarding the pre-negotiation steps that require agreement to negotiate, agreement on the negotiation agenda, and agreement procedure to be able to move to the next stage. but in the case raised in this study, the diplomatic step taken by Indonesia failed because the preconditions that were not fulfilled in the pre-negotiation phase made it difficult to bring Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table and resolve legal issues experienced by Tuti Tursilawati, until finally she was executed. died on October 29, 2018.]]>
<![CDATA[3. Peran Aktor Non-Negara dalam Hubungan Internasional: Studi Kasus Human Rights Watch dalam Krisis Kemanusiaan di Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[Syarifatul Ula]]>;
<![CDATA[Hermini Susiatiningsih]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 3, Nomor 3, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v3i3.16758
<![CDATA[The conflict between Rohingya and Rakhine, make it an attractive domain for state-actor as well as non-state actors, such as Human Rights Watch (HRW). HRW was established to engage in the field of the human rights and have a duty to perform its role in the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar and has involved ethnic Rohingya Muslim. This study is initial attempt to analyse the role of HRW in the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar by using the concept of Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN). This study found that the HRW using strategy of information politics as the more dominant tactics used to carry out the role and activities. Strategies symbolic politics is also used as a campaign to get the attention and support of other interntional actors. But in practice, HRW has not succeeded in carrying out its role in leverage politics strategies, and accountability politics, because HRW too independent and not have oversight of the Myanmar government commitements related to the citizenship rights of Muslim ethnic Rohingya.]]>
