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INDONESIA
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Published by Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
ISSN : 18295088     EISSN : 25033883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Library & Information Science
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 391 Documents
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Rasionalitas Indonesia dalam Pengimplementasian “40+9 Rekomendasi” FATF Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0089.100-112

Abstract

Global anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) regime set up by G7 countries in 1989 had established a nontreaty yet significantly influencing standard setter body named Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Regime norms codified by FATF in “40+9 Recommendations”, hand in hand with “Non-cooperative Countries and Territories (NCCTs)” list have become two most powerful instruments in enforcing international AML/CFT regime, not only for member but also non member countries, including Indonesia. This study is aimed to explore the reasons behind Indonesia’s decision to adopt and thus implement “40+9 Recommendations”. Using power-based regime approach and the economic sanction theory, this research finds that the said decision is a result of rational calculation, considering both international and domestic dynamics. On international side, there are global financial hegemon countries as FATF members behind “40+9 Recommendations” who can act unilaterally to foster and enforce its global implementation. On the domestic side, its implementation can provide a basis for good financial governance, a much needed foundation to build anti-corruption and anti-terrorism national regime.
Perjanjian Hudaibiyah Sebagai Model Kepatuhan Terhadap Perjanjian Internasional dalam Perspektif Islam Ahmadi, Sidiq
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0076.162-170

Abstract

This research aims to explain why the Prophet Muhammad comply withThe Hudaybiya Treaty although in its articles are considered harmful. By answering the question above, it is expected to build a model of compliance to international agreement in the Islamic perspective. Christian Reus-Smit’sintertistial conception of politics considered appropriate in this study because it provides space for the role of ideas such as identity and norm in explaining a political action. This study found Prophet Muhammad complieswith Treaty of Hudaibiyah because of political deliberation which integrate four type or reason: idiographic, purposive, ethical, and instrumental. Ideographic deliberation determines the formulation of interest (purposive deliberation). The formulation of these interests will determine the action (instrumental deliberation) in accordance with the available resources and external constrain faced, as well as appropriate with or not contrary to Islamic norms and universally applicable norms (ethical deliberation). Ideographically, based on identities: as believers who should obey Allah and His Messenger, as a noble people who hold the promise. Purposively, the mission of Muslims is to preach the religion of monotheism to all mankind, therefore the condition of peace and religious freedom must be realized. Ethically, the question of how should we act is answered by everything done must in concordance with Islamic rules and customary law norms which emphasize the obligation to comply with the concluded agreements. Instrumentally, the chosen action which in line with the formulated interest and in accordance with the norms of Islam is complieswith the peace treaty.
Dilema Demokrasi Liberal: Hambatan Normatif, Institusional dan Praktikal dalam Pemberlakuan Kuota Perempuan di Indonesia Azizah, Nur
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2013): Oktober
Publisher : Jurnal Hubungan Internasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0040.184-197

Abstract

Political reform in 1998 Indonesia brought an inclusive participation to all people. One of its significant outcomes was the establishment of women quota that tried to accommodate women’s aspirations in Indonesian democratic system, particularly in the parliament. This policy had been legalized in the constitution article 65 UU 12 2003 about General Election of the House of Representative which then finalized in 2008. However, this quota mechanism has many barriers in its implementation such as from Mahkamah Konstitusi that decided to change the instrument for elected candidate which based not on the consecutive number, so the quota system was complicated to put into practice. This article tries to explain why the performance of women quota was ineffective. To address the problems, analysis of this article based on feminist perspective with critical discourse of analysis (CDA). The study will be conducted on three levels namely normative level, institutional level, and practical level.
Pemikiran Johan Galtung tentang Kekerasan dalam Perspektif Feminisme Eriyanti, Linda Dwi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61102

Abstract

This article aims to analyze the gender aspects in Johan Galtung thought about Violence. Johan Galtung conception of violence, namely, direct violence, structural violence, and cultural violence was comprehensive enough to observe violence at all levels, including gender-based violence. The issue of violence appeal to feminists because of violence against women is a mechanism of subordination of women. Violence against women has an impact not only for women victims but also women in general, which ultimately in the lives of women always feel threatened by numerous acts of violence in public and private sphere. Using the sociology of knowledge, this article seeks the connection between Johan Galtung’s thought and his life background. The research method is a qualitative method with literature study used secondary data. This article found that there are similarities between Johan Galtung thought with numerous streams of feminism that ever existed. Telling about direct violence, Johan Galtung puts women at enmity with men on one hand. On the other hand, the structure and culture of patriarchy that have existed in society also become violent themselves. In its efforts to realize peace, Johan Galtung wants the equality between the sexes, where there are cooperation and a balance of roles between men and women who all of them lead to the peace process. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa aspek gender dalam pemikiran Johan Galtung tentang kekerasan. Konsep kekerasan Johan Galtung yang meliputi kekerasan langsung, kekerasan struktural, dan kekerasan kultural, cukup komprehensif untuk melihat kekerasan di semua tingkat, termasuk kekerasan berbasis gender. Isu kekerasan menarik bagi feminis karena kekerasan terhadap perempuan merupakan mekanisme subordinasi perempuan. Kekerasan terhadap perempuan tidak hanya berdampak pada korban, tapi juga perempuan pada umumnya, yang pada akhirnya dalam kehidupan perempuan selalu merasa terancam oleh berbagai tindakan kekerasan di ranah publik dan privat. Dengan menggunakan sosiologi pengetahuan, artikel ini mencoba menganalisis hubungan antara Johan Galtung dan latar belakang kehidupannya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, dengan studi literatur menggunakan data sekunder. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa ada kesamaan antara pemikiran Johan Galtung dengan berbagai aliran feminisme yang pernah ada. Berbicara tentang kekerasan langsung, Johan Galtung menempatkan perempuan berhadapan dengan laki-laki yang merupakan pelaku kekerasan. Di sisi lain, struktur dan budaya patriarki yang ada di masyarakat juga merupakan bentuk kekerasan, di mana struktur yang keras, dilegitimasi oleh budaya kekerasan menciptakan lingkungan yang penuh kekerasan. Dalam upayanya mewujudkan perdamaian, Johan Galtung menginginkan persamaan antara jenis kelamin, di mana ada kerjasama dan keseimbangan peran antara pria dan wanita yang semuanya mengarah pada proses perdamaian.
Melintasi Batas Negara-Bangsa: Formasi Gerakan Perlindungan Hak Buruh Migran Domestik di Malaysia Khurun’in, Irza
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5296

Abstract

The aim of this research is to understand the formation in the issues of migrant domestic workers’ right protection in Malaysia by analyzing the transnational activism in four civil organizations, namely WAO (Women’s Aid Organization), Tenaganita, NSI (North South Initiatives), and AOHD (Archdiocesan Office of Human Development). This research is qualitative research which use deep interview, obervation, and documentation in collecting the data. The formation and networking pattern are ranging from human rights claim, labour rights claim, claim of gender equlity at work, and humanitarian claim. There are fragmented collective identity, those are cosmopolitan identity, humanitarian activist, and part of each organization. Therefore, this research shows that citizenship is not barrier in doing humanitarian activities. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat formasi gerakan di seputar isu perlindungan hak buruh migran sektor domestik di Malaysia dengan melihat aktivisme transnasional dari empat organisasi masyarakat sipil, yakni WAO (Women’s Aid Organization), Tenaganita, NSI (North South Initiatives), dan AOHD (Archdiocesan Office of Human Development). Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi. Formasi serta pola jejaring lintas batas gerakan tersebut berkisar antara klaim hak asasi manusia, hak-hak buruh, kesetaraan gender di tempat kerja, dan nilai kemanusiaan. Identitas kolektif gerakan terfragmentasi menjadi tiga, yakni identitas kosmopolitan, aktivis kemanusiaan, dan anggota organisasinya. Maka, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kewarganegaraan bukan lagi pembatas dalam melakukan aksi kemanusiaan.
Pelembagaan Regional mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia di ASEAN Madu, Ludiro
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0084.40-49

Abstract

Institutionalization of non-traditional issues has become new phenomenon for ASEAN, including those related to human rights in the form of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). While its instutionalization has been one of ASEAN’s achievements for its sensitive characters, the AICHR also revealed several complexities. The first problem is related to ASEAN’s further attempts for boosting regional cooperation on human rights among its member states. Diversified political system of ASEAN’s states is deemed as its obstacle. The second refers to regional architecture of ASEAN which is prone to be loosely structured and more focussed on economic development and regional political stability. This paper seeks to explain dynamics among ASEAN’s member states in institutionalizing human rights issues. AICHR has been one of the most successful ASEAN’s achievements in managing non-traditional issues and promoting participation of non-state actors in this region. In doing so, this paper also shows tug-of-war between regional and national interests in the process of formulating regional regime on human rights in ASEAN.
The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Efforts to Approve Myanmar Transitional Government Proposal on ASEAN 2014 Chairmanship Manurung, Hendra
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0075.148-161

Abstract

In 2011, Myanmar proposed to take the 2014 Chairmanship by swapping their turn with Laos. This is a deviation to ASEAN Charter Article 31 which says that the Chairmanship of ASEAN shall rotate annually based on the alphabetical order of the English names of Member States. Fortunately, by default, Myanmar’s Chairmanship would have to be in 2016 after Malaysia in 2015. Despite this and also considering year 2014 is crucial as it is only a year before the plan of the realization of ASEAN Economic Community on 31st January 2015, ASEAN approved Myanmar’s 2014 Chairmanship proposal. Thus, this research aims to examine the reasons what was ASEAN motives to support Myanmar Democratic Reform, and how ASEAN implements its efforts to initiate Myanmar for ASEAN 2014 Chairmanship. In conducting the research, the writer elaborated constructivism theory and institutional approach from international organization theory, which are used as theoretical framework. Through theory of constructivism, the ramification of past events is analyzed. The analysis is conducted particularly by identifying series of events and change of circumstance that affects ASEAN, Myanmar, and other state actors involved. This is done to identify possible factors affecting ASEAN’s decision to approve Myanmar’s 2014Chairmanship proposal. Meanwhile, through institutional approach from international organization theory, the ASEAN Charter is used as a guide to analyze the basis of ASEAN’s assessment of the eligibility of Myanmar’s Chairmanship. ASEAN Charter Article 32 as stated the role of the chairman is the particular article which is used in this research as ASEAN’s standard of procedures (SOP) in assessing Myanmar’s eligibility.
Environmental Crisis: A Global Threat of Human Security Winarno, Budi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61107

Abstract

Global warming and climate change  are not more than  an environmental crisis in the era of  neoliberal globalization. This has been a global issue, and in the same time, it has been gradually becoming a global threat of human security.  Global awareness among leaders of the countries in the world,  and among international communites, are needed to stand together in order to strenghening regional organization and international regime solving this threat of environmental crisis. A global awareness and cooperation among emerging and developed countries are needed  to rise their polical will substantially,  and  most important is  to rule out polical economy interest of the developed countries in order to  bring about regional organizations  and  international regime of global environment having more capacity to solve environmental crisis
Turkish Foreign Policy to European Union and Its Chance to be a European Union Member Minardi, Anton
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5291

Abstract

The Modern Turkish was established as a secular state whose special characteristic was brought from the Ottoman Islamic empire. The area of Turkey’s geopolitics is stretching from Asian to European continent, and always more inclined to the West. These circumstances have formed Turkish foreign policy for decades by indicating the bridging for the Asia on the East and Europe on the West with its motto “peace at home, peace abroad”. As the secular state, Turkey recognized themselves as a country whose identity similar to the Western states given the fact that Turkish foreign policy always strive to join  the European Union as their priority, as well as Turkey as a NATO member. Turkey showed a great effort through their involvement in various European affairs such as member of the Europe Council 1949, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 1952, European Economic Community (EEC) 1959, member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 1961, European Community 1964, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 1973, and officially applied to be member of European Union (EU) on April 14 1987. However, some obstacles remain such as the reluctance of the West toward Turkish performance in dealing with the Cyprus and Kurdish crises. This article explains how Turkish government perform its foreign policy by considering the discussion of Turkish Geopolitics, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkey - EU Relation, Membership Issue in the EU, The Role of the U.S. to Turkish Membership in the EU, and the Chances for Turkey to be the EU member. Peradaban Turki modern dibentuk atas sekularitas negara dengan karakteristik khusus yang diadopsi dari kerajaan Islam Ottoman. Wilayah strategis Turki yang membentang dari benua Asia hingga Eropa telah membentuk politik luar negeri Turki selama berabad-abad dimana negara ini menempatkan diri sebagai jembatan yang menghubungkan kedua benua dengan motto “peace at home, peace abroad. Meskipun demikian Politik luar negeri Turki dianggap lebih condong pada Eropa karena kesamaan identitas yang dimilikinya. Hal ini ditandai dengan keikutsertaan Turki dalam beberapa agenda internasional Uni Eropa seperti Europe Council tahun 1949, North Atlantic treaty Organization (NATO) 1952, European Economic Community (EEC) 1959, maupun agenda-agenda lainnya dan secara resmi mendaftar sebagai anggota Uni Eropa pada 14 April 1987. Akan tetapi, kebijakan Turki terhadap krisis Cyprus dan Etnis Kurdi menyebabkan kecanggungan bagi negara-negara yang tergabung dalam Uni Eropa. Tulisan ini menjelaskan politik luar negeri Pemerintah Turki terkait isu keanggotaan dalam UE serta pengaruh Amerika dalam kasus tersebut.
Indonesia’s Maritime Vision and the Prospect of Cooperation in the South China Sea Ramadhani, Masyithoh Annisa
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0088.78-99

Abstract

The South China Sea has witnessed an array of global power projections given the huge amount of potential resources there. There are at least sixcountries who committed to be claimant states; China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Despite its role as the external actor, the United States claimed that their presence is needed in order to preserve stability in the region. This vexing situation has led to security dilemma which brings about power competition thereby maintaining peace and security would be critical. Therefore, Indonesia as one of region‘s rising powers who commits to be a non-claimant state, iterated the importance of establishing cooperation to preserve regional security under maritime vision albeit its national interests at stake there. This research examined the extent to which Indonesia maintains neutrality while pursuing national interests in the South China Sea under the maritime vision. Cooperation could therefore become the tools for (1) stabilising regional security given the increase of interdependence among states, (2) forging the immersion of regional unity, and (3) lessening the global power projections.

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