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INDEPENDENSI MEDIA CETAK DALAM PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR JAWA TIMUR 2018 (Analisis Framing Harian Jawa Pos Edisi Februari â Maret 2018) Faradiba, Dalilah Naja; Setiawan, Andi; Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal
Jurnal Mahasiswa Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 3, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Pemilihan umum merupakan isu yang sering diberitakan dalam sebuah media cetak. Hal tersebut dikarenakan isu pemilihan umum merupakan isu strategis dalam masyarakat. Namun, beberapa media cetak dalam pemberitaannya memiliki keberpihakan pada salah satu calon tertentu yang dapat menggiring opini publik untuk memilih calon yang dikehendaki media tersebut. Pada penelitian ini, tujuan penulis adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana independensi Harian Jawa Pos dalam memberitakan pasangan calon Gubernur Jawa Timur 2018. Beberapa berita yang dijadikan subjek penelitian adalah sejak bulan Februari hingga Maret 2018. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif. Dengan menggunakan Teori Agenda Setting Maxwell McCombs dan Donald L. Shaw yang berisi lima indikator agenda media yaitu (1) Visibility (visibilitas), (2) Audience Salience, (3) Valency (valensi), (4) Persistensi, dan (5) Persuasi. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga menggunakan konsep framing model Zhongdang Pan dan Gerald M. Kosicki dengan empat struktur analisis yaitu (1) Struktur Sintaksis, (2) Struktur Skrip, (3) Struktur Tematik, dan (4) Struktur Retoris. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Harian Jawa Pos masih berupaya untuk berada pada independensi media dalam memberitakan kedua pasangan calon. Hal tersebut dibuktikan dengan pemberitaan yang dimuat dalam Harian Jawa Pos lebih banyak yang menayangkan kedua pasangan calon sekaligus. Harian Jawa Pos juga membuat citra calon dengan pandangan yang positif serta tidak berusaha menimbulkan provokasi dalam pemberitaannya.

Gapit: Jaringan Mobilisasi Suara di Pilkades Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal
Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 1 (2017): UU Desa: Mewujudkan Kemandirian Aras Lokal atau Jebakan Ketergantungan Dana Pusa
Publisher : Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang

Villagers have practiced democracy since colonial era. They have lurah election. Government still keep it, although national politics got some regim change. Now, it is called as Village head election (Pilkades). Pilkades has a distinctive character than other election form in Indonesia. No political party in Pilkades. That asked candidates to build political machine for mobilizing voters. This article talk about how the political machine was built, what shape of the political machine is, and how it work. I conducted observation and some interviews to peoples who involved in 2016 Mranggen Village Head Election. The result, Mranggen villagers call the political machine as gapit. Gapit was constructed by prestige, social relationship, and material. Their consolidation can be distinguished in two process, transformating and creating. Gapit is a network, which has structure with three level; coordinator gapit, RW gapit, and RT gapit. They have tasks: mapping voter, developing issue, organizing meeting, distributing goods, and monitoring presence of voters in polling station. This article will contribute to discussing about extending meaning of vote broker, not only as intermediary between candidate and voters in distributing money.

Similarity Amidst Diversity: Lessons about Women Representation from Pati and Demak Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal; Utaminingsih, Alifiulahtin; Garner, Andrew D.; Wike, Wike; Seitz, Thomas R.; Putra, Fadillah
Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 6, No 1 (2021): In progress (April 2021)
Publisher : Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22745

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections â€“ money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

Similarity Amidst Diversity: Lessons about Women Representation from Pati and Demak Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal; Utaminingsih, Alifiulahtin; Garner, Andrew D.; Wike, Wike; Seitz, Thomas R.; Putra, Fadillah
Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 6, No 1 (2021): Local Politics
Publisher : Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22745

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

Gapit: Jaringan Mobilisasi Suara di Pilkades Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal
Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 1 (2017): UU Desa: Mewujudkan Kemandirian Aras Lokal atau Jebakan Ketergantungan Dana Pusa
Publisher : Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i1.8485

Villagers have practiced democracy since colonial era. They have lurah election. Government still keep it, although national politics got some regim change. Now, it is called as Village head election (Pilkades). Pilkades has a distinctive character than other election form in Indonesia. No political party in Pilkades. That asked candidates to build political machine for mobilizing voters. This article talk about how the political machine was built, what shape of the political machine is, and how it work. I conducted observation and some interviews to peoples who involved in 2016 Mranggen Village Head Election. The result, Mranggen villagers call the political machine as gapit. Gapit was constructed by prestige, social relationship, and material. Their consolidation can be distinguished in two process, transformating and creating. Gapit is a network, which has structure with three level; coordinator gapit, RW gapit, and RT gapit. They have tasks: mapping voter, developing issue, organizing meeting, distributing goods, and monitoring presence of voters in polling station. This article will contribute to discussing about extending meaning of vote broker, not only as intermediary between candidate and voters in distributing money.

Religion, Political Contestation and Democracy: Kiai's Role as Vote Broker in Madurese Local Political Battle Asmawati Asmawati; Towar Ikbal Tawakkal; Sholih Muadi
Buletin Al-Turas Vol 27, No 1 (2021): Buletin Al-Turas
Publisher : Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/bat.v27i1.15650

This study aimed to know how the kiai as religious figures who had the highest social status in Pamekasan Regency carried out their work as vote brokers. This study was a qualitative research with a case study method. The research depended on verbal data and information of vote raising done by public figures in a Madurese local election. Intensive interview with some kiai as the key informants was done to get the intended information. They were chosen as primary data sources because they were public religious figures whom the people adhere to. The result showed that kiai with their social capital as vote brokers mobilizing the masses properly attracted political bosses who competed in the local election. Kiai with their religiosity played as an intermediary in delivering material for intended voters. However, it was unethical when the kiai as a religious figure provided material for voters. As a local figure who has a good image in a community, kiai became a major element in the progress of the democratic process. It can be concluded that the kiai as a highly respected religious figure contributed to the democracy to be well organized in the future.

Kyai-Santri Relationship in Electoral Politics : A Critical Point of View Masruri Mahali; Wawan Sobari; George Towar Ikbal Tawwakal
JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah Vol 4 No 2 (2019): JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah
Publisher : Universitas Pancasakti Tegal

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24905/jip.4.2.2019.75-89

This qualitative case study aims to explore the electoral political relations of the kiai and santri in the local leaders election of East Java.The kiai's authority is absolute, the submission of the santri to the kiai is the main rule of the pesantren culture, the relationship of the kiai and santri is patron-client, there is an unequal interaction with the position of the santri being a client and the kiai becoming a patron.The strength factor of the charisma and influence of the kiai is often used for various interests in the politics of regional elections. Different from theory, the patron-client relationship in the electoral political relations of the kiai and santri in the local leaders election of East Java is not relevant. This study finds, First, the electoral political relations of the kiai and santri are determined by the attitude of equal egalitarian relations and complementary relations. Kiai and santri both play a role in shaping voting behavior, and the kiai is no longer the dominant figure in determining santri's political choices, because there is a practice of political deliberation. Secondly, there are three typologies of electoral political relations between kiai and santri, namely, (1) Political relations are equal (associative), (2) Positive opposition political relations (dissociative-positive), and (3) Political relations mabadi ’khaira ummah ((prioritizing the interests of the ummah). Lastly, this case study of the electoral political relations of the kiai and santri adds new knowledge that the santri's political choices in regional elections are no longer based on patron-client relations.

Hidup dalam Stigma: Kekerasan dan Religiuitas Bejingan Asma Wati; Sholih Muadi; George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal
Al-Mada: Jurnal Agama, Sosial, dan Budaya Vol 3 No 2 (2020): Agama Sosial dan Budaya
Publisher : LPPM Institut Pesantren KH. Abdul Chalim

The purpose of this study is to find out that violence and religiosity can actually run side by side where both are able to make the figure of Bejingan have a different social strata from other communities. Violence is a characteristic of Bejingan in resolving conflicts in society while religiosity as a culture that has become ingrained in the community. To provide an understanding of the life of Bejingan in the community, this article explores how Bejingan lives in a standard of violence that has become a distinctive feature and cultural religiosity adopted in the community of Pamekasan Madura Regency. the method used in this study is qualitative with a case study approach where the researcher reveals in depth related to the life of Bejingan in Pamekasan Regency. The results obtained from this research are that Bejingan has long lived in stikma where its existence is always associated with violence and crime, whereas furthermore the role of Bejingan in the sphere of society has many benefits and benefits where security, conflict between citizens and the welfare of the community are influenced by the figure of Bejingan. Furthermore, the Bejong lives in a balanced balance of religiosity and violence where life is influenced by good relations between gods by practicing worship while still maintaining self-esteem in the distinctive characteristics of the heroism possessed. The scientific contribution of this article discusses the extension of the lives of local figures who have conflicting but side-by-side characteristics. Considering that the phenomenon that describes Bejingan is a conflict between culture and religion, then how can the conflict be balanced and go hand in hand. Then further research needs to be done.

A POTENTIAL FOR CAUSALITY IN DEVELOPMENT COUNTRIES (TRACKING E-PARTICIPATION AND E-GOVERNMENT IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN COUNTRIES) George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal
POLITICO Vol 22, No 2 (2022): JURNAL POLITICO FISIPOL
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32528/politico.v22i2.8176

Many countries have democratized by utilizing information and communication technology as e-government. Conceptually, e-government should increase participation which is equally called e-participation. Several studies confirm and reject this assumption. Some claim that there is no causal relationship between e-government development and e-participation progress. Continuing the debate, this article addresses how often the development of e-government is in line with the progress of e-participation. What pattern appears in the relationship between the two variables? Based on data provided by UNDP in EDGI and EPI scores, this article looks at Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries that directly border Indonesia; Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei Darussalam, and Timor Leste. A series of categories are defined to facilitate analysis, such as low, moderate, and high fluctuations for EDGI and EPI respectively, then low, moderate, and high consistency and inconsistency for the confluence of EDGI and EPI. Taking into account the national income per capita of these countries, it is known that the potential for causality is more likely to occur in developed countries that have high national income per capita.

Amil Zakat as the Citizen Political Participant with Religious Philantrophy Face Rayhan Aulia Prakoso; Muhammad Lukman Hakim; George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal
Journal of Local Government Issues (LOGOS) Vol. 5 No. 2 (2022): September
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22219/logos.v5i2.21307

Indonesia’s not-totally-state-centered zakat management policy makes amil zakat in Indonesia have double-identity. It’s not only as an Islamic law formalization in state level, but also as a medium for non-parties citizens' political participation in civil level. By using literatures study, this research aims to analyze head-to-head between Amil Zakat Institute (Lembaga Amil Zakat/LAZ) YASA Malang and everyday-maker. This research also aims to enrich everyday-maker perspective, because in fact there are so many Muslim social institutions which have some similarity with everyday-maker, but with some differences in their motives and characteristic of program. Everyday-maker is a new typology of citizen political participation found by Bang and Sorensen at 1999, where citizens are fixing their daily problems theirselves, instead waiting for government to fix it. However, everyday-maker starts from Danish’s upset with their government works, meanwhile LAZ YASA Malang starts from the concept of Islamic philantrophy and spirit of building lowest-level Muslim’s socio-economics independency. This research, because of the difference of motive between LAZ and everyday-maker, successfully finds some novelty rather than the previous everyday-maker researches, like one-eighth amil’s portions as the source of amil zakat salaries and government involvement in the legality. Something else that differentiates LAZ and everyday-maker is a theological value that becomes the basic, where everyday-maker works done by LAZ is based on belief about Allah’s help and grace in the movement.

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