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Journal : sasi

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Pelaksanaan Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial Dengan Multi Partai Di Indonesia Suparto Suparto
SASI Vol 27 No 4 (2021): Volume 27 Nomor 4, Oktober - Desember 2021
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Pattimura

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47268/sasi.v27i4.600

Abstract

The government system in post-reform Indonesia is a presidential system with many parties. The advantage of this system is that it is more democratic because many parties are considered to accommodate the wishes and interests of people from various backgrounds through political parties, while the weakness is that it is difficult for the ruling party if it is not in the majority. The purpose of this study was to determine the implementation of a presidential system of multi-party governance in post-reform Indonesia. The results of the study are that in a presidential government system with many parties (multi-party system) such as in Indonesia, it will cause problems if no political party wins the election with a majority vote, the President must build a coalition with a number of political parties that have representatives in the House of Representatives (DPR). DPR). Since the holding of the 1999 and 2004 elections, there have been efforts to simplify political parties, by reducing the number of election participants through the electoral threshold and then changing since 2009 to reducing the number of political parties that may sit in parliament by using the minimum threshold requirement (parliamentary threshold). However, this method has not been successful because there are still relatively many political parties sitting in parliament, this is due to the parliamentary threshold that is too small. Ideally, the parliamentary threshold, which was previously 4% in the 2019 election, is raised to 8% in the 2024 election. Thus, a strong, effective and stable presidential government system with only 4 (four) to 6 (six) political parties will be realized.
Problematika Pengujian Peraturan Perundang-Undangan Di Mahkamah Agung ( Kajian Terhadap Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 65 P/HUM/2018) Suparto Suparto
SASI Vol 27 No 1 (2021): Volume 27 Nomor 1, Januari - Maret 2021
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Pattimura

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47268/sasi.v27i1.417

Abstract

The Supreme Court (MA) decided that candidates for members of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) from political party administrators for the 2019 Election were still allowed, even though previously the Constitutional Court (MK) had banned it (Decision No. This conflict is due to differences in interpreting the timing of the implementation of the ongoing 2019 Election stage process. The Constitutional Court stated that the decision was enforced since the 2019 Election and this was not retroactive. Because it is still at the Provisional Candidate List (DCS) stage, so it is possible to change regulations. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court considers that the Constitutional Court's decision must be enforced after the 2019 Election or apply in the future (prospective), because the stages have been running, so that changes in requirements can be made The legal implication that occurs is that there is legal uncertainty for the General Election Commission (KPU) to follow which decision. To solve this problem can be used the doctrine of validity (enforceability of norms). The existence of a hierarchy of legal products being tested and a basis for testing certainly has a legal consequence of the existence of a hierarchy of norm validity in the decisions of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. When there is a conflict between the Supreme Court decision and the Constitutional Court, the verdict with the basis and object of examination in the hierarchy of laws and regulations that is higher, namely the Constitutional Court decision, has a higher validity than the Supreme Court decision. So that problems like this do not exist anymore, testing of laws and regulations should only be carried out by one institution, namely the Constitutional Court.
Co-Authors A Admiral A. Wafi Adinda, Fadhel Arjuna Admiral , Admiral Admiral Admiral Admiral Admiral Admiral Admiral Alvin Ramadhan Nur Luis Ardiansyah Ardiansyah Ardiansyah Ardiansyah Aryo Akbar Beni Murtadi Chatarina Umbul Wahyuni David Hardiago Dedy Gusniawan Deni Jaya Saputra Despan Heryansyah Efendi Ibnu Susilo Efendi Ibnususilo Ellydar Chaidir Ellydar Chaidir Ellydar Chaidir Ellydar Chaidir Ellydar Chaidir, Ellydar Esanov, Azamat Esirgapovich Esy Kurniasih Fadhel Arjuna Adinda Faishal Taufiqurrahman Faishal Taufiqurrahman Halimah Abdul Manaf Heni Pujiastuti John Woodward Jose Gama Santos Kim Hyeonsoo M. Rafi Meidizon Monika Melina Muhammad Faizal Pahlevi Namazovna, Sultanova Dilshoda Naurah Dwirengganis Riata Putri Normurotovna, Zamira Esanova Pahmi Amri Puti Mayang Seruni Rahmad Hidayat Harahap Rani Fadhila Syafrinaldi Riauan, Muhd Ar. Imam Santos, Jose Gama Selvi Afriani Suardi Surizki Febrianto Surizki Febrianto Surizki Febriyanto Susilo, Efendi Ibnu Umi Muslikhah Wira Atma Hajri Zainal