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BUREAUCRATIC REFORM IN JAKARTA: JOKOWI LEADERSHIP STYLE Jerry Indrawan
The Indonesian Journal of Public Administration (IJPA) Vol 2, No 1 (2016): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION (IJPA) | JANUARI - JUNI 2016
Publisher : Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52447/ijpa.v2i1.430

Abstract

ABSTRACT Jakarta is still facing many problems regarding bureaucratic system. It positions as the state capital does not guarantee that bureaucratic reform has already establish in perfect manner. At least there are three problems that need to be reformed. First, corruption in three fields: administrative services, practices of construction projects, and law enforcement. Second, institutional inefficiency. The local government bureaucratic structure is too fat, because of too many departments and sections exist, and resulting in the amount of local budget use to cover it. Third, corruptive mentality from most of the civil servants, resulting in deficient public services. Joko Widodo, better known as Jokowi is a new Governor of Jakarta. Before, he was a Mayor in Solo, Central Java for seven years. He brought bureaucratic reform to that city, that leads him in winning various national, even international achievements, such as the World Third Best Mayor from The City Mayor Foundation. Jokowi success is mostly because of his leadership ability. His leadership style is also different than others. There is no gap between him and his people. There is no strict protocol either that restrain him in meeting his people anytime he likes. He ignored bureaucratic formality, because such will dissociate him with his people. One of his well known method is “blusukan”, which means “entering a place where nobody wants to” in Javanese. He applied “blusukan” as a way in knowing what people wants by visiting them, even to a slum area where no public officials even care to think. In doing this, he can see the real problem in the society and starts to reform the government based in his field observation. He minimized the long arm of bureaucracy, in terms of efficiency and knowing what’s best for his people. He even said that he will only spend one hour every day in the office, and the rest (include saturday and sunday) will be spent in the field. He thinks that the only way we know the problem lies on this city is experience it, and the experience will not be experienced by staying in the office. He has to be with his people, so that he can find a solution for them. This paper will see Jokowi leadership style in leading Jakarta and the influence it makes to reform Jakarta’s local government bureaucratic system. Does Jokowi leadership style will be the perfect answer to the city real problems nowadays? Conducted research methodology was qualitative, through library research. The primary data will be collected from interviews with related informants. The informants will be purposively determined to sharpen the information gathered. Last, the secondary data will be aquired from books, journals, internet, newspapers, etc.   Keywords: Bureaucratic Reform, Leadership Style, “Blusukan”
Ancaman Non-Militer Terhadap Keamanan Nasional di Papua Jerry Indrawan
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2016): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (298.026 KB) | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v12i2.2651.159-173

Abstract

Pertahanan negara merupakan salah satu elemen pokok suatu negara karena menyangkut kepentingan untuk melindungi warga negara, wilayah, dan sistem politiknya dari ancaman negara lain. Situasi di Papua tidak dapat dikategorikan sebagai konflik bersenjata, tetapi lebih dikategorikan sebagai kekacauan, ketegangan, atau gangguan dalam negeri. Ancaman non-militer pada hakikatnya ancaman yang menggunakan faktor-faktor nirmiliter yang dinilai mempunyai kemampuan yang membahayakan kedaulatan negara, keutuhan wilayah negara, dan keselamatan segenap bangsa. Keinginan masyarakat Papua untuk merdeka lebih disebabkan karena mereka tidak mengalami kesetaraan dalam hal kesejahteraan dengan propinsi-propinsi lain di Indonesia. Jika tidak ada penanganan yang serius, kondisi ini akan berkembang menjadi kondisi permanen yang tentunya akan menjadi ancaman besar terhadap keamanan nasional.Kata Kunci: Ancaman Non-Militer, Pertahanan Negara, Keamanan Nasional, dan Papua
Cyberpolitics Sebagai Perspektif Baru Memahami Politik di Era Siber [Cyberpolitics as A New Perspective in Understanding Politics in The Cyber Era] Jerry Indrawan
Jurnal Politica Vol 10, No 1 (2019): Jurnal Politica Mei 2019
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v10i1.1315

Abstract

 Political science studies have developed from conventional perspectives, marked by the use of physical means of campaign, to the era of non-conventional politics, where the use of cyber medium is more prevalent. The use of cyber medium in the study of political science has resulted in many sectors, from democracy, security, defense, social and cultural affairs, education, to political campaigns to conducted through the cyber medium. Cyberpolitics is a new concept that is very interesting to discuss, as interesting as it is to be studied in detail. Cyberpolitics will be the future of political campaign for all political stakeholders, especially those running in political contests. Political activism has already been replaced by a form of virtual communication. Cyberpolitics can in this regard help democracy work as it should. The aim of this research is to understand cyberpolitics more deeply, and that requires an interdisciplinary perspective, not just political science. The significance of this research is to provide a different perspective to the public about the development of political science, which now moves towards the use of cyber technology. This paper will discuss the study of cyberpolitics, which is seen as a new perspective in understanding politics in the cyber era. The author recommends that studies discussing the concept of cyberpolitics be discussed and researched more intensively among political science scholars, so that the combination of political science and information technology in the future can mutually enrich the scientific understanding of both disciplines.AbstrakKajian ilmu politik sudah berkembang dari yang bersifat konvensional, yaitu menggunakan sarana kampanye yang bersifat fisik, menuju ke era politik non-konvensional, yaitu penggunaan medium siber. Penggunaan medium siber dalam kajian ilmu politik membuat banyak sektor, seperti demokrasi, keamanan, pertahanan, sosial dan budaya, pendidikan, sampai kampanye politik, dilakukan melalui medium siber. Cyberpolitics menjadi sebuah konsep baru yang sangat menarik untuk dibahas, serta diteliti lebih dalam. Cyberpolitics akan menjadi masa depan kampanye politik bagi setiap stake holder politik, terutama bagi mereka yang akan berkontestasi dalam kompetisi pemilihan politik. Aktivisme politik sudah mulai digantikan oleh bentuk komunikasi secara virtual. Cyberpolitics dengan demikian dapat membantu demokrasi berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk memahami cyberpolitics secara lebih dalam, sehingga membutuhkan perspektif inter-disipliner, tidak hanya ilmu politik. Kegunaan penelitian ini adalah untuk memberikan perspektif yang berbeda kepada khalayak umum tentang perkembangan ilmu politik, yang sekarang mengarah ke arah penggunaan teknologi siber. Makalah ini akan membahas kajian cyberpolitics, yang dilihat sebagai sebuah perspektif baru dalam memahami politik di era siber. Penulis merekomendasikan bahwa kajian-kajian yang membahas tentang konsep cyberpolitics mulai lebih banyak dibahas dan diteliti di kalangan akademisi-akademisi ilmu politik, agar perpaduan antara ilmu politik dengan teknologi informasi ke depannya dapat semakin memperkaya khazanah keilmuan masing-masing.
Relevansi Sistem Pertahanan Negara (Sishanneg) dengan Konsep Keamanan Nasional terkait Ancaman Disintegrasi Bangsa di Papua Jerry Indrawan
JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Vol 1, No 1 (2015): Penelitian
Publisher : Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (475.716 KB) | DOI: 10.52447/polinter.v1i1.68

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Tulisan ini membahas mengenai relevansi sistem pertahanan negara dengan konsep keamanan nasional yang terkait dengan ancaman disintegrasi bangsa di Papua. Dalam hal ini penyelenggaraan sistem pertahanan negara tidak hanya dimaksudkan untuk menghadapi ancaman militer, tetapi juga konflik dari dalam. Soal-soal kesetaraan, pemenuhan hak asasi manusia, mutual agreement, dan dialog menjadi garda terdepan dalam upaya-upaya meresolusi konflik Papua. Penelitian ini intinya menjelaskan bahwa demi menjaga keutuhan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, maka konsep conflict resolution in terms of mencegah disintegrasi Papua menjadi sangat penting
Media Role in Democracy and Human Rights: Challenges to Civil Society Life in Indonesia jerry indrawan
PRoMEDIA Vol 1, No 1 (2015): PROMEDIA
Publisher : UNIVERSITAS 17 AGUSTUS 1945 JAKARTA

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (386.984 KB) | DOI: 10.52447/promedia.v1i1.100

Abstract

Since the reformation era, where democracy has been fully practiced, Indonesia entered a new and more tolerant era. It characterized by high appreciation of human rights and democratic way of living. However, human rights stand on various assumptions that really fragile, for example, the freedom of speech enables us to talk about problems that are very sensitive to some people or culture. This is where media take part. In an era of information, media plays a big role in terms of human rights promotion and upholding democracy. Media role in the era of information technology has developed rapidly, especially in democratic environment. Media not just play as an information carrier, but had also transform themselves as the center of information itself. As a part of the civil society, media enable every layer of the society to access information freely and openly. Such condition will bring different understanding from each communicant. Media as communicator, distorted the essence of information that leads to misinterpretation. If a communal society unable to clearly digested or misunderstand information, conflicts will be potentially arise among them. Poverty, ethnic diversity, repressive political system, and fight for resources are conventional sources of conflict, but media is a modern means to create conflicts at all level of society, and various sources also. Media provide their journalistic products in much more businesslike and straight-out. Social reality is generated and constructed outside formal authority. In this case, media is able to influence public opinion by doing framing analysis to a news. Framing analysis is an approach to find out the perspective use by reporters in selecting issues and write stories. The perspective eventually determined which facts are taken, which parts are shown or omitted, and also the purpose of where the story leads. This is certainly a threat to democracy and human rights, because it can generates conflicts. Keywords: Media, Democracy, Human Rights, and Civil Society
Intervensi Kemanusiaan ke Libya: Refleksi Politik Jerry Indrawan
Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial Vol 5 No 1 (2018): Konfrontasi, January
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (343.408 KB) | DOI: 10.33258/konfrontasi2.v7i1.20

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Judging from humanitarian reasons, indeed at that time there have been quite a number of casualties, therefore intervention in Libya can be justified to prevent victims from increasing. So morally, intervention in Libya was done to save Libyan civilians from Moammar Gaddafi's cruelty. However, the problem is not that simple. Resolutions issued regarding the legality of humanitarian intervention to Libya by the UN Security Council, namely numbers 1970 and 1973, not only refer to articles 41 and article 42, but must also consider article 39 of the United Nations Charter. Based on article 39 it is emphasized that the word peace must refer to international peace. Because, there will be a contradiction if the UN Security Council interferes with a civil dispute that is not classified as an international peace threat. In addition, of course political and economic motives, clearly such actions are a violation of international law.
EFEKTIVITAS MATA KULIAH BELA NEGARA MATA KULIAH WAJIB UNIVERSITAS Jerry Indrawan; Anwar Ilmar; M. Prakoso Aji
PARAPOLITIKA: Journal of Politics and Democracy Studies Vol. 2 No. 2 (2021): PARAPOLITIKA: Journal of Politics and Democracy Studies
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Politik

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (245.461 KB) | DOI: 10.33822/jpds.v2i2.5900

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Indonesia currently faces multidimensional threats, from small to large, concerning all aspects of the country's life, from ideology, politics, economics, social, culture, defense, and security. The newest nature of the threat has a human security perspective rather than only state security. For that, a thorough effort is needed that is capable of dealing with Threats, Disturbance, Obstacle, Challenge (TDOC) as such. Civil defense can be the answer to such problems because civil defense itself can be interpreted as an obligation and responsibility of citizens to maintain the existence and sovereignty of the state. Civil defense will be optimal if disseminated through formal education. In this case, the formal education in question is at the level of higher education. This paper proposes that civil defense can be held at higher education level in the form of university compulsory course, and is organized under the name civil defense education. This paper will also look at the effectiveness of state defense courses as compulsory university courses.
Mengembangkan Kesadaran Diri (Self-Awareness) Masyarakat untuk Menghadapi Ancaman Non-tradisional: Studi Kasus Covid-19 Isa Sabriana; Jerry Indrawan
Jurnal Lemhannas RI Vol 8 No 2 (2020)
Publisher : Lembaga Ketahanan Nasional Republik Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55960/jlri.v8i2.318

Abstract

Esensi keamanan seakan mengalami pergeseran dari maknanya yang khas. Keamanan dalam hubungan internasional selama ini diidentikkan dengan menjaga kedaulatan suatu negara dari ancaman negara lain dalam konteks serangan militer (ancaman tradisional). Namun, saat ini pola ancaman terhadap negara mengalami pergeseran. Ancaman yang muncul sulit diprediksi dan memiliki nuansa intangible (ancaman non-tradisional). Salah satu contohnya adalah ancaman kesehatan, seperti Pandemi Covid-19 yang melanda dunia. Munculnya Covid-19 sebagai salah satu pandemi yang mengancam keamanan negara adalah bukti nyata terjadinya pergeseran pola ancaman. Sayangnya, masyarakat masih merasa bahwa ancaman ini tidak memiliki skala besar layaknya terjadinya perang. Padahal, bisa dikatakan saat ini seluruh manusia di dunia sedang berperang dengan Corona. Menyadari bahwa masyarakat masih memiliki pemahaman yang rendah terhadap bagaimana menjaga keamanan dirinya di tengah pandemi ini, penulis merasa bahwa masyarakat membutuhkan sebuah transformasi pemikiran agar bisa mengembangkan sikap kesadaran diri (self-awareness). Sikap ini termasuk bagaimana menaati peraturan pemerintah, seperti di rumah saja, pakai masker, sering cuci tangan, jangan berkerumun, dan protokol-protokol kesehatan lainnya. Penulis menyadari bahwa menerapkan protokol kesehatan,khusunya tinggal di rumah dan menjauhi kerumunan, sangat berdampak pada kesehatan mental dan psikologis masyarakat. Hal ini tak jarang menimbulkan stress dan berbagai dampak psikologis lainnya. Ancaman Covid-19 tidak bisa dihadapi dengan senjata konvensional, tetapi dari sikap patuh dari masyarakat terhadap kebijakan pemerintah. Untuk itu, membangun keamanan negara saat ini harus dilakukan oleh segenap masyarakat Indonesia. Penelitian ini ingin melihat melalui kacamata psikologis bagaimana masyarakat dapat meningkatkan keamanan dirinya dalam konteks memerangi ancaman Covid-19. Ketika masyarakat mampu menjaga keamanan dirinya sendiri dari Corona, maka secara tidak langsung negara juga berhasil mengatasi yang bersifat ancaman non-tradisional tersebut.
Membangun Keamanan Data dalam Kebijakan Satu Data Indonesia: Tinjauan Kritis terhadap Perpres No. 39 Tahun 2019 Reja Reja; Faris Widiyatmoko; Hesti Rosdiana; Jerry Indrawan
Jurnal Riset Rumpun Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Humaniora Vol. 4 No. 4 (2025): JURRISH: Jurnal Riset Rumpun Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Humaniora
Publisher : Pusat Riset dan Inovasi Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55606/jurrish.v4i4.6569

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The background for the establishment of Law Number 27 of 2022 concerning Personal Data Protection raises a critical question that the Indonesian government must address, who will oversee and safeguard the security of citizens' data in public administration systems. The purpose of this study is to examine the implementation of One Data Indonesia through Presidential Regulation Number 39 of 2019 (Perpres No. 39 of 2019) regarding One Data Indonesia, which remains a strong foundation for regulating government data governance. Unfortunately, this regulation does not yet include security aspects, which should be one of the principles of One Data Indonesia. This study explores Perpres No. 39 of 2019 as a critique of the regulation. The findings highlight the importance of incorporating security aspects to protect the sovereignty of government data used in public administration, especially in electronic processes conducted domestically. The principle of data security is a crucial component of the implementation of One Data Indonesia, which will be integrated with various other policy products, such as the Presidential Regulation on Electronic-Based Government Systems, the Presidential Regulation on Accelerating Digital Transformation and Integration of National Digital Services, the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions, the Law on Personal Data Protection, and other relevant regulations.
The Prabowo–Gibran 2024 Election campaign strategy from Tan Malaka’s Madilog perspective : Strategi kampanye Prabowo-Gibran pada Pemilu 2024 dalam perspektif Madilog Tan Malaka Arnis Desgita Eka Putri; Maizia Hariyanti Zahra; Mohammad Rayhan Hidayat; Sayyid Verrel; Sisilia Candra Tridjaja; Fathur Rizqi Ramadhan; Jerry Indrawan
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 11 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v11i2.75606

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This study analyzes the campaign strategy of Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka in the 2024 presidential election through Tan Malaka’s Madilog philosophical framework, aiming to uncover fundamental contradictions between political rationality and contemporary mysticism in Indonesian democracy. By employing a philosophical-critical approach and a hermeneutic method, this research uses the three pillars of Madilog (Materialism, Dialectics, and Logic) as tools for systematic analysis of modern electoral phenomena. The findings reveal that the pair’s electoral success was achieved through strategies diametrically opposed to Madilog’s principles: substantive policy has been replaced by symbolic manipulation, advanced technology is used to perpetuate political irrationality, and a “modern mystical logic” dominates, obscuring the critical thinking of the masses. Paradoxically, the public’s skeptical response to the campaign promises reflects an intuitive application of Madilog’s principles by society, highlighting a gap between the people’s critical awareness and the quality of political discourse among the elite. Keywords: Madilog; Political Communication; campaign; electoral rationality; Prabowo-Gibran