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Interfaith Marriage in Indonesia: Juridical Challenges and Human Rights Perspectives Surasa, Ais; Sururie, Ramdani Wahyu; Gisymar, Najib A.; Aris, Mohammad Syaiful; Farid, Diana; Abdulah Pakarti, Muhammad Husni
Al-Qadha : Jurnal Hukum Islam dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 12 No 1 (2025): Al-Qadha: Jurnal Hukum Islam dan Perundang-Undangan
Publisher : Hukum Keluarga Islam IAIN LANGSA

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32505/qadha.v12i1.11071

Abstract

Interfaith marriage refers to a union between two individuals who adhere to different religions and remains a complex issue within the Indonesian legal system. Legally, Law No. 1 of 1974 on Marriage does not explicitly regulate interfaith unions. However, Article 2(1) of the law states that a marriage is valid if conducted by the religious laws and beliefs of the parties involved. This commonly means that interfaith marriages lack legal recognition in Indonesia. This interpretation is further reinforced by the issuance of Supreme Court Circular Letter (SEMA) No. 2 of 2023. This study adopts a normative juridical method with a descriptive qualitative approach. Primary data were obtained from the Marriage Law, the Compilation of Islamic Law, fatwas issued by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and SEMA No. 2 of 2023. Secondary data were gathered from legal literature, court decisions, and scholarly articles. The findings indicate that, under Article 2(1) of the Marriage Law, interfaith marriages are deemed invalid under Indonesian national law. However, from a human rights perspective—as stipulated in Article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 28B(1) of the 1945 Constitution—every individual has the right to marry regardless of religious affiliation. This study also outlines several legal alternatives available to interfaith couples seeking to formalize their marriage, including filing a court petition, temporarily adhering to one partner’s religious law, or marrying abroad. The legal implications of interfaith marriage include issues related to its validity, administrative registration, children's legal status, and both spouses' civil rights.
A Chance to Defend Regional Heads in The Procedure of Regional Head Dismissal as A Manifestation of The Proportionality Principle Aris, Mohammad Syaiful; Fauzurrahman, Iqbal; Abrianto, Bagus Oktafian; Nugraha, Xavier; Felicia, Stefania Arshanty
Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan Vol 12 No 2 (2023)
Publisher : Pusat Strategi Kebijakan Hukum dan Peradilan Mahkamah Agung RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25216/jhp.12.2.2023.241-266

Abstract

The existence of regional autonomy in Indonesia is implemented through regional leaders who have the authority to run local government. When carrying out their duties, regional leaders are supervised by other state institutions as a form of checks and balances in government power. Hence, the procedure to dismiss regional leaders regulates to involve the Regional People's Representative Assembly, the Supreme Court, and the President through the Minister of Home Affairs as a form of right to dismiss. However, the existence of the proportionality principle in the procedure to dismiss regional leaders, through the right given to regional leaders to defend themselves, has yet to be regulated in the law. This article talks about two things: first, the procedure to dismiss regional leaders, and second, the legal consequences and the position of a chance to summon regional leaders to explain and defend themselves in the procedure to dismiss regional leaders. This article aims to find the importance of proportionality principles in the procedure to dismiss regional leaders. The method used in this article is legal research, with statutes, conceptual, and case approaches. The results of this research show that although the procedure to dismiss regional leaders has been regulated in law, applying the proportionality principle only exists in jurisprudences. Hence, an ius constituendum is needed to determine legal consequences and certainty regarding the procedure to dismiss regional leaders.
THE CONSTITUTIONALLY OF THE DPR’SSUPERVISORY FUNCTION OVER CONSTITUTIONAL COURT JUSTICE AND INDEPENDENT INSTITUTION Avany Mahmudah; Salman, Radian; Mohammad Syaiful Aris
Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara Islam, Fakultas Syariah, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Datokarama Palu

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24239/qaumiyyah.v6i2.250

Abstract

The constitutionality of the DPR's supervisory authority over Constitutional Court judges and independent state institutions raises serious problems in the Indonesian constitutional system, especially after the ratification of Article 228A of DPR Regulation Number 1 of 2025 concerning Amendments to DPR RI Regulation Number 1 of 2020 concerning Rules of Procedure. This provision grants the DPR the authority to evaluate officials it previously nominated, with evaluations deemed binding. However, such authority lacks a legal foundation in either the 1945 Constitution or the MD3 Law, rendering it potentially ultra vires and contrary to the principle of Separation of Powers and judicial independence. The removal of Constitutional Court Justice Aswanto illustrates a clear example of legislative interference and politicization of the judiciary. Similar threats extend to independent institutions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Judicial Commission (KY), both of which require functional and institutional autonomy. This study employs a normative legal method. Findings confirm that Article 228A poses a constitutional threat and should be repealed to restore institutional equilibrium. Legal reform and regulatory safeguards are urgently needed to protect the integrity and independence of judicial and independent bodies within Indonesia’s democratic rule of law framework. Abstrak Konstitusionalitas kewenangan pengawasan DPR terhadap Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi dan lembaga negara independen menimbulkan persoalan serius dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia, terutama pasca disahkannya Pasal 228A Peraturan DPR Nomor 1 Tahun 2025 tentang Perubahan Atas Peraturan DPR RI Nomor 1 Tahun 2020 tentang Tata Tertib. Pasal ini memberikan kewenangan evaluatif terhadap pejabat negara yang diangkat atas usul DPR, dengan hasil yang bersifat mengikat. Ketentuan tersebut tidak memiliki dasar konstitusional dalam UUD 1945 maupun dasar legal dalam Undang-Undang tentang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (UU MD3), sehingga berpotensi melampaui kewenangan yang sah (ultra vires) dan mencederai prinsip pemisahan kekuasaan serta independensi kekuasaan kehakiman. Kasus pemanggilan dan pemberhentian Hakim Konstitusi Aswanto menunjukkan bukti konkret politisasi dan intervensi legislatif terhadap lembaga yudikatif. Evaluasi yang bersifat mengikat ini juga berpotensi diterapkan terhadap lembaga independen seperti KPK dan KY, yang semestinya bebas dari tekanan politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan hukum normatif. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa Pasal 228A harus ditinjau ulang dan dihapus, karena berpotensi merusak sistem checks and balances dan menggeser hubungan antarlembaga negara menjadi subordinatif. Reformasi peraturan dan penguatan jaminan independensi lembaga yudikatif dan lembaga negara independen menjadi langkah penting menjaga prinsip negara hukum yang demokratis.
Opportunities and Challenges in the Implementation of Plurality - Majority (District) Electoral System for Strengthening the Indonesian Presidential System Aris, Mohammad Syaiful
Yuridika Vol. 37 No. 3 (2022): Volume 37 No 3 September 2022
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/ydk.v37i3.37604

Abstract

Presidential government system has its own disadvantages, one of them is the possibility a minority president presence in this system, namely a president who is not supported by a parliamentary majority, even though the President has a strong mandate from public, but with a minority position, the government's agenda which carried out by the president could be hampered by parliament or the legislature, therefore it is needed a coalition government. The combination of a presidential system with a multi-party system is difficult to implement because whoever the president is elected will be encountered with a certain condition that it is impossible to support him in parliament without forming a coalition. In order to respond the problem in strengthening the presidential system in Indonesia, the author offers a majority general election system or district system (first Past the Post) as an effort to create an effective and responsible government. This is a legal study which used two approaches, namely statutory approach and conceptual approach. Based on the results of study, it can be concluded that the majority system was more appropriate for creating an effective and responsible government because it could encourage the simplification of political parties and the responsibilities of people's representatives to the voters in each district.