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All Journal Arena Hukum Pembaharuan Hukum Media Iuris Jurist-Diction Al-Qadha: Jurnal Hukum Islam dan Perundang-Undangan Jurnal Rechts Vinding : Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional Yuridika PATTIMURA Legal Journal Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan Deposisi: Jurnal Publikasi Ilmu Hukum indonesian Journal of Administrative Law and Local Government (IJALGOV)
Mohammad Syaiful Aris
Fakultas Hukum Universitas Airlangga
Religion Economics, Econometrics & Finance Environmental Science Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences

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A Chance to Defend Regional Heads in The Procedure of Regional Head Dismissal as A Manifestation of The Proportionality Principle Aris, Mohammad Syaiful; Fauzurrahman, Iqbal; Abrianto, Bagus Oktafian; Nugraha, Xavier; Felicia, Stefania Arshanty
Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan Vol 12 No 2 (2023)
Publisher : Pusat Strategi Kebijakan Hukum dan Peradilan Mahkamah Agung RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25216/jhp.12.2.2023.241-266

Abstract

The existence of regional autonomy in Indonesia is implemented through regional leaders who have the authority to run local government. When carrying out their duties, regional leaders are supervised by other state institutions as a form of checks and balances in government power. Hence, the procedure to dismiss regional leaders regulates to involve the Regional People's Representative Assembly, the Supreme Court, and the President through the Minister of Home Affairs as a form of right to dismiss. However, the existence of the proportionality principle in the procedure to dismiss regional leaders, through the right given to regional leaders to defend themselves, has yet to be regulated in the law. This article talks about two things: first, the procedure to dismiss regional leaders, and second, the legal consequences and the position of a chance to summon regional leaders to explain and defend themselves in the procedure to dismiss regional leaders. This article aims to find the importance of proportionality principles in the procedure to dismiss regional leaders. The method used in this article is legal research, with statutes, conceptual, and case approaches. The results of this research show that although the procedure to dismiss regional leaders has been regulated in law, applying the proportionality principle only exists in jurisprudences. Hence, an ius constituendum is needed to determine legal consequences and certainty regarding the procedure to dismiss regional leaders.
THE CONSTITUTIONALLY OF THE DPR’SSUPERVISORY FUNCTION OVER CONSTITUTIONAL COURT JUSTICE AND INDEPENDENT INSTITUTION Avany Mahmudah; Salman, Radian; Mohammad Syaiful Aris
Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara Islam, Fakultas Syariah, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Datokarama Palu

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24239/qaumiyyah.v6i2.250

Abstract

The constitutionality of the DPR's supervisory authority over Constitutional Court judges and independent state institutions raises serious problems in the Indonesian constitutional system, especially after the ratification of Article 228A of DPR Regulation Number 1 of 2025 concerning Amendments to DPR RI Regulation Number 1 of 2020 concerning Rules of Procedure. This provision grants the DPR the authority to evaluate officials it previously nominated, with evaluations deemed binding. However, such authority lacks a legal foundation in either the 1945 Constitution or the MD3 Law, rendering it potentially ultra vires and contrary to the principle of Separation of Powers and judicial independence. The removal of Constitutional Court Justice Aswanto illustrates a clear example of legislative interference and politicization of the judiciary. Similar threats extend to independent institutions such as the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Judicial Commission (KY), both of which require functional and institutional autonomy. This study employs a normative legal method. Findings confirm that Article 228A poses a constitutional threat and should be repealed to restore institutional equilibrium. Legal reform and regulatory safeguards are urgently needed to protect the integrity and independence of judicial and independent bodies within Indonesia’s democratic rule of law framework. Abstrak Konstitusionalitas kewenangan pengawasan DPR terhadap Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi dan lembaga negara independen menimbulkan persoalan serius dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia, terutama pasca disahkannya Pasal 228A Peraturan DPR Nomor 1 Tahun 2025 tentang Perubahan Atas Peraturan DPR RI Nomor 1 Tahun 2020 tentang Tata Tertib. Pasal ini memberikan kewenangan evaluatif terhadap pejabat negara yang diangkat atas usul DPR, dengan hasil yang bersifat mengikat. Ketentuan tersebut tidak memiliki dasar konstitusional dalam UUD 1945 maupun dasar legal dalam Undang-Undang tentang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (UU MD3), sehingga berpotensi melampaui kewenangan yang sah (ultra vires) dan mencederai prinsip pemisahan kekuasaan serta independensi kekuasaan kehakiman. Kasus pemanggilan dan pemberhentian Hakim Konstitusi Aswanto menunjukkan bukti konkret politisasi dan intervensi legislatif terhadap lembaga yudikatif. Evaluasi yang bersifat mengikat ini juga berpotensi diterapkan terhadap lembaga independen seperti KPK dan KY, yang semestinya bebas dari tekanan politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan hukum normatif. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa Pasal 228A harus ditinjau ulang dan dihapus, karena berpotensi merusak sistem checks and balances dan menggeser hubungan antarlembaga negara menjadi subordinatif. Reformasi peraturan dan penguatan jaminan independensi lembaga yudikatif dan lembaga negara independen menjadi langkah penting menjaga prinsip negara hukum yang demokratis.
Opportunities and Challenges in the Implementation of Plurality - Majority (District) Electoral System for Strengthening the Indonesian Presidential System Aris, Mohammad Syaiful
Yuridika Vol. 37 No. 3 (2022): Volume 37 No 3 September 2022
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/ydk.v37i3.37604

Abstract

Presidential government system has its own disadvantages, one of them is the possibility a minority president presence in this system, namely a president who is not supported by a parliamentary majority, even though the President has a strong mandate from public, but with a minority position, the government's agenda which carried out by the president could be hampered by parliament or the legislature, therefore it is needed a coalition government. The combination of a presidential system with a multi-party system is difficult to implement because whoever the president is elected will be encountered with a certain condition that it is impossible to support him in parliament without forming a coalition. In order to respond the problem in strengthening the presidential system in Indonesia, the author offers a majority general election system or district system (first Past the Post) as an effort to create an effective and responsible government. This is a legal study which used two approaches, namely statutory approach and conceptual approach. Based on the results of study, it can be concluded that the majority system was more appropriate for creating an effective and responsible government because it could encourage the simplification of political parties and the responsibilities of people's representatives to the voters in each district.
Implications of District Court Decisions on the Stages of the 2024 Elections: Perspectives on the Indonesian Election System Inagatha Setyarahma Pangastuti; Radian Salman; Mohammad Syaiful Aris; Luh Putu Yeyen Karista Putri
PATTIMURA Legal Journal Volume 4 Issue 1 April (2025): PATTIMURA Legal Journal
Publisher : Postgraduate Program Doctoral in Law, Universitas Pattimura

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47268/pela.v4i1.18257

Abstract

Introduction: The stipulation of Decision Number 757/Pdt.G/2022/PN.Jkt.Pst raises many pros and cons, namely related to the decision to postpone the 2024 elections. Through the Decision, the Central Jakarta District Court decided and adjudicated the Unlawful Acts dispute filed by the Adil Makmur People's Party against the General Election Commission. The Central Jakarta District Court should not have the authority to adjudicate disputes filed by the Adil Makmur People's Party because it violates absolute competence. Purposes of the Research: The purpose of this study is to analyze the position of the Decision and its legal consequences on the people's sovereignty in the electoral system in Indonesia. Methods of the Research: The research methods used are normative legal research methods, with a conceptual approach, a statue approach and a case approach. Results Main Findings of the Research: The research found that (1) the General Election Commission was right to appeal, showing that the 2024 election must be in accordance with the constitution, and (2) the postponement of the election violates the sovereignty of the people, as the election system in Indonesia should be carried out every five (5) years, and does not recognize the term postponing the election.
Legal Aspects of Election Participation For Persons With Limited Dual Citizenship Status Nazheev Ilmi Haqqi; Mohammad Syaiful Aris
Indonesian Journal of Administrative Law and Local Government Vol. 2 No. 01 (2025): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF ADMINISTRATIVE LAW AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT (IJALGOV)
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26740/ijalgov.v2i01.39880

Abstract

Limited dual citizenship is a status given to someone who has 2 citizenships for a limited time. Limited dual citizenship is regulated in article 6 of Law Number 12 of 2006. Limited dual citizenship status is now owned by many people in Indonesia, one of which is due to intermarriage. The final limit for a person to determine their citizenship is 21 years of age. Remembering that citizenship status is something that cannot be separated from the name of rights and obligations. So regarding limited dual citizenship it involves many things regarding rules and prohibitions, but regarding what rights are obtained when someone still holds limited dual citizenship status. There are many kinds of rights that should be obtained by people who are citizens, especially Indonesian citizens, such as economic rights, educational rights and political rights. However, someone who has limited dual citizenship status does not necessarily get these rights, especially political rights which are closely related to constitutional affairs. Dual citizenship is limited as a temporary citizenship status. It is necessary to know what the limitations are while still holding that status using theoretical and comparative methods.
Co-Authors Avany Mahmudah Bagus Oktafian Abrianto Dita Elvia Kusuma Putri Farid, Diana Fauzurrahman, Iqbal Felicia, Stefania Arshanty Gio Arjuna Putra Gisymar, Najib A. Inagatha Setyarahma Pangastuti Iqbal Fauzurrahman Luh Putu Yeyen Karista Putri Muhammad Husni Abdulah Pakarti Nahdyan, Auly Nazheev Ilmi Haqqi Nugraha, Xavier Putri, Dita Elvia Kusuma Radian Salman Radian Salman Ramdani Wahyu Sururie Stefania Arshanty Felicia Sukardi Sukardi Surasa, Ais Vega Dinda Ardian Widiananto Nanda Prasetya