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All Journal Journal of Government and Civil Society Journal of Local Government Issues Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Suara Khatulistiwa Jurnal Papatung : Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi Publik, Pemerintahan dan Politik Indonesian Journal of Law and Economics Review AKSELERASI: Jurnal Ilmiah Nasional Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat (ABDIRA) Jurnal Inovasi dan Kreativitas (JIka) INDEPENDEN: Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global Indonesian Journal of Multidisciplinary Science COMSERVA: Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Journal Of World Science Journal of Social Science SWATANTRA Kajian Ilmu Sosial Jurnal Garuda Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Aksi Kita: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora
Usni
Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta
Aerospace Engineering Humanities Civil Engineering, Building, Construction & Architecture Computer Science & IT Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Engineering Environmental Science Health Professions Industrial & Manufacturing Engineering Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Library & Information Science Mathematics Nursing Public Health Social Sciences Other

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STRATEGI POLITIK KAMPANYE PRABOWO SUBIANTO DI DKI JAKARTA DALAM PILPRES 2024 Tonny Abner Serang; Sri Yunanto; Usni
AKSELERASI: Jurnal Ilmiah Nasional Vol 8 No 1 (2026): AKSELERASI: JURNAL ILMIAH NASIONAL
Publisher : GoAcademica Research dan Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.54783/jin.v8i1.1578

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis strategi politik yang digunakan dalam memenangkan dukungan pemilih di wilayah ibu kota. Fokus kajian diarahkan pada penerapan strategi ofensif dan defensif sebagai bagian dari teori strategi politik, serta pendekatan teori kampanye politik dalam membangun citra dan mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analitis, di mana data diperoleh melalui studi literatur, dokumentasi, serta analisis terhadap dinamika politik dan media. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa strategi ofensif kampanye Prabowo diwujudkan melalui penguatan citra sebagai pemimpin berpengalaman, penyampaian visi masa depan, serta pendekatan emosional yang menekankan kedekatan dengan rakyat. Sementara itu, strategi defensif dijalankan dengan cara meredam isu negatif, melakukan klarifikasi terhadap serangan politik, serta membangun rekonsiliasi citra. Teori kampanye politik menunjukkan bahwa kombinasi pendekatan emosional dan rasional menjadi kunci dalam menjangkau beragam lapisan pemilih perkotaan di Jakarta. Kesimpulannya, keberhasilan Prabowo memenangkan kontestasi politik di DKI Jakarta pada Pilpres 2024 merupakan hasil sinergi strategi politik yang adaptif dan kampanye yang mampu menyentuh kebutuhan sekaligus harapan masyarakat.
Analysis of the Reconfiguration of Indonesia’s Air Defense Strategy Based on Geospatial Intelligence Amid the Geopolitical Dynamics of theIndo-Pacific Wahyu Prabowo; Ella Syafputri Prihatini; Usni Hasnudin
Journal Of Social Science (JoSS) Vol 5 No 8 (2026): Journal of Social Science
Publisher : Al-Makki Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.57185/9fmk6x34

Abstract

This study examines how Indonesia’s air defense strategy should be reconfigured around Geospatial Intelligence (GEOINT) to address the evolving dynamics of Indo-Pacific geopolitics following the 2026 United States–Israel war against Iran, a conflict that exposed the vulnerability of air defense systems to mass missile and drone attacks despite technological superiority. Using a qualitative descriptive-analytical approach involving in-depth interviews, documentation analysis, and observation, the data were analyzed using Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña’s interactive model and validated through source and methodological triangulation. The study draws on informants from the Air Force, Army, and academia, as well as internal Indonesian National Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia [TNI]) documents. The findings demonstrate that the conflict fundamentally shifted the nature of aerial threats from manned aircraft toward missile systems and drone swarms, revealing Indonesia’s reliance on a platform-centric doctrine that is insufficient for addressing cognitive-overload and cost-imposition warfare. The gap between Indonesia’s current GEOINT capabilities and the ideal requirements of a layered air defense system is multidimensional, encompassing technological capacity, human resources, command-and-control integration, and the challenges posed by the country’s archipelagic geography. This study proposes a five-pillar reconfiguration model that positions GEOINT as the core integrator, develops a network-centric warfare architecture, acquires strategic force-enabling assets, strengthens GEOINT analyst capabilities, and transforms institutional structures toward a hub-and-spoke model. The implementation is sequenced across three strategic time horizons using the Eisenhower Matrix. The study recommends amending the Swa Bhuwana Paksa doctrine to institutionalize GEOINT as the foundation of Indonesia’s layered air defense strategy.
Governing Special Autonomy: Fiscal Capacity, Local Politics, and Spatial Justice in Raja Ampat, Indonesia Franky Umpain; Usni Usni
SWATANTRA Vol. 24 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24853/swatantra.24.2.133-152

Abstract

Indonesia's special autonomy regime for Papua combines political recognition with exceptional intergovernmental transfers, yet the conversion of fiscal resources into equitable public value remains contested. This article examines that conversion process in Raja Ampat Regency, an archipelagic district whose geographic fragmentation makes the costs and politics of service delivery unusually visible. It asks how special autonomy is implemented locally, how fiscal capacity interacts with political and administrative institutions, and which governance arrangements can make expenditure more responsive to Indigenous Papuan communities. The study uses a qualitative documentary case-study design. It integrates statutory and policy documents, official fiscal allocations, district statistics for 2022–2024, and peer-reviewed research through structured document analysis and thematic synthesis. The results show that Raja Ampat received approximately IDR 276.875 billion in combined special-autonomy and additional-infrastructure allocations for fiscal year 2025, equivalent to about 18% of its reported central-government transfers. Over 2022–2024, the official statistical series used in the study recorded a decline in poverty from 17.32% to 15.83% and a rise in the Human Development Index from 65.41 to 66.60, while economic growth decelerated sharply from 11.87% to 0.41%. These parallel trends are descriptive rather than causal. The analysis identifies five filters between funding and outcomes: political prioritisation, administrative capability, archipelagic delivery costs, the accessibility of fiscal information, and the strength of participation and oversight. The article develops a governance-conversion model that links locally grounded planning, spatially weighted budgeting, accessible transparency, traceable participation, outcome accountability, and collaborative oversight. Special autonomy, it concludes, should be assessed not by absorption or aggregate allocation alone, but by its capacity to reduce territorially patterned disadvantages and expand substantive self-government.
Institutional Proliferation without Political Empowerment? Power Reconfiguration and the Politics of Special Autonomy for Indigenous Papuans in Sorong Regency Barnike Susana Kalami; Usni Usni
SWATANTRA Vol. 24 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24853/swatantra.24.2.171-194

Abstract

The establishment of Southwest Papua Province in 2022 reorganised the institutional landscape through which Indonesia's Special Autonomy policy is implemented. Yet the multiplication of governmental institutions does not necessarily expand the political influence of Indigenous Papuans (Orang Asli Papua, OAP). This article examines how post-division power relations shape Special Autonomy implementation in Sorong Regency and how those relations condition substantive policy affirmation for OAP. It uses a qualitative case-study design based on semi-structured interviews, observation, and analysis of legislation, planning documents, and government reports. The analysis integrates Jones's account of policy implementation, Lukes's three dimensions of power, and Smith's territorial perspective on decentralisation. The findings identify four connected mechanisms. First, provincial formation redistributes decision venues while leaving decisive administrative, informational, and fiscal resources concentrated within governmental institutions. Second, bureaucratic actors shape affirmation through the organisation, interpretation, and application of policy. Third, formal representation through legislatures, the Papuan People's Assembly, and participatory forums does not ensure agenda-setting influence. Fourth, administrative definitions of development can marginalise customary priorities before formal decisions occur. The article argues that the central implementation deficit is not simply inadequate funding or institutional capacity; it is an unequal distribution of the capacity to define problems, set agendas, authorise resources, and evaluate benefits. Special Autonomy becomes substantively affirmative only when OAP institutions can convert cultural legitimacy and formal presence into durable influence over planning, budgeting, implementation, and oversight.
Analysis of the Integrated Smart Maintenance System to Support Aircraft Readiness in Air Defense Facing Regional Crises Randy Novian; Asep Setiawan; Usni Hasanudin; Asep Kurnia
Indonesian Journal of Multidisciplinary Science Vol. 5 No. 4 (2026): Indonesian Journal of Multidisciplinary Science
Publisher : International Journal Labs

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55324/ijoms.v5i4.1254

Abstract

This research examines the necessity and implementation of the Integrated Smart Maintenance System (ISMS) as a strategic solution to enhance the aircraft readiness of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) amidst the growing complexity of regional and global security challenges. The study is grounded in the fact that the current aircraft maintenance system within TNI remains reactive, fragmented, and lacks predictive capabilities supported by artificial intelligence. These limitations result in high aircraft downtime, delayed logistics support, and inefficiencies that directly affect Indonesia’s air defense credibility. The study employs a qualitative approach using a case study method, combining in-depth interviews with TNI logistics officials, aircraft technicians, and defense industry stakeholders (PT Dirgantara Indonesia and GMF AeroAsia), along with comprehensive document analysis and literature review. The theoretical framework encompasses Regional Security Theory (Buzan & Wæver), Air Defense Theory, Maintenance Theory (Tjiptono & Diana), Information System Theory (McLeod), and strategic planning and forecasting concepts. The findings reveal fundamental weaknesses in TNI’s maintenance system, including poor data integration, the absence of predictive algorithms, limited spare parts availability, and weak coordination across services and industry. Nevertheless, SWOT analysis indicates strong opportunities for ISMS development, supported by defense modernization initiatives, national industrial readiness, and the advancement of digital technologies such as AI, IoT, and data analytics. ISMS is projected to increase aircraft readiness to 70–80%, reduce downtime, strengthen deterrence capability, and establish a digital maintenance culture within TNI.
Konsep Kekuasan Niccolo Machiavelli: Studi Kasus Kekuasan Jokowi-Ma’ruf dalam Menyikapi Kelompok Koalisi dan Oposisi Muhdar Muhdar; Usni Usni
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Vol. 2 No. 3 (2026): JULI-SEPTEMBER
Publisher : Indo Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.63822/0kqda842

Abstract

This study aims to analyze Niccolò Machiavelli’s concept of power within the context of the Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin administration, specifically regarding efforts to maintain political stability through the management of relationships with coalition and opposition parties. In his seminal work *The Prince*, Machiavelli emphasizes the importance of pragmatism, cunning, and flexibility in maintaining power. This approach serves as the theoretical framework for understanding the Jokowi-Ma’ruf administration's strategies in managing Indonesia's political dynamics. The study employs a qualitative method using a case study approach. Data were collected through document analysis—including speeches, policies, and public statements by leaders—and analyzed descriptively to identify connections between Machiavelli’s theories and the political practices of the Jokowi-Ma’ruf administration. The findings indicate that the government employs strategies of compromise and accommodation to strengthen coalition support while simultaneously embracing the opposition through inclusive policies. In certain respects, this pattern aligns with Machiavellian principles, such as the strategic and manipulative use of power to ensure the administration's stability and continuity. The study concludes that Machiavelli’s concept of power remains relevant for interpreting political realities in Indonesia, particularly within the context of a pluralistic and dynamic administration. Consequently, this research offers insights into the importance of a pragmatic approach to managing political relationships in order to maintain harmony and governmental effectiveness amidst the challenges of modern democracy.
Co-Authors Achmad Fawait Aldi Wahyudi Bolkiah Ali Noer Zaman Asep Kurnia Asep Setiawan Barnike Susana Kalami Debbie Affianty Dian Ariyani Surya Djoni Gunanto Dwicahyo Satrio Wibowo Ella Syafputri Prihatini Endang Sulastri Fery Gustomo Firza Alif Hakiki Franky Umpain Hilaly Basya Karina Nilu Fari Khairudin Gustam Lusi Andriyani Luthfiyani Nurul Jannah Ma'mun Murod Mamun Murod Marlina Sintyawati Muhammad Eggy Muhammad Fazlur Ansari Jayaratno Muhammad Irfan Dwitama Muhammad Kosasih Muhammad Ridwan Pramudya Muhdar Muhdar Norsiah Abdul Hamid Oriza Alisya Putri Putri Ade Fitriani Randy Novian Sri Wulan Destriyani Sri Yunanto Susi Susanti Tonny Abner Serang Ummah Karimah Viktor Wahyu Prabowo Wiwied Widiyanti