Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi
Terbit sejak 2015, Jurnal Antikorupsi INTEGRITAS (p-ISSN: 2477-118X; e-ISSN: 2615-7977) merupakan jurnal yang menyebarluaskan hasil penelitian atau kajian konseptual tentang korupsi dan subyek yang berelasi dengan korupsi. Jurnal Antikorupsi INTEGRITAS terbit dua nomor dalam setahun ditujukan untuk kalangan pakar, akademisi, peneliti, praktisi, penyelenggara negara, pegiat antikorupsi, dan masyarakat pada umumnya.
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319 Documents
<![CDATA[Kontekstualisasi Pilkada Riau: Sosiokultural, Relasi Klientalistik dan Indikasi Politik Uang ]]>
<![CDATA[Fauzan Misra]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudarmoko Sudarmoko]]>;
<![CDATA[Apriwan Apriwan]]>;
<![CDATA[Amri Hakim]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Fajri Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.724
<![CDATA[The local election as an electoral competition cannot be separated from the threat of money politics. This study tries to identify the amount of money politics received by voters in the Pemilukada. This is important considering that there are no clear parameters in calculating the real costs incurred by candidates in the Pemilukada. The results of the study indicate that sociocultural factors play an important role in the local elections in Riau. This study also found that there are three types of clientelistic relationships that are built, namely ethnicity-based relationships, broker-based relationships, and constituent service-based relationships.]]>
<![CDATA[Desain Penegakan Hukum Korupsi Partai Politik di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Agil Oktaryal]]>;
<![CDATA[Proborini Hastuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.729
<![CDATA[The large number of corruption cases whose funds flow to political parties becomes a problem when regulations cannot trap them. This brings awareness to create an ideal law enforcement design against criminal acts of corruption by political parties. As for the law enforcement design that initiated, reducing state financial assistance to the party; prohibition of participating in elections; and dissolution of political parties followed by restrictions on the rights of former officials to carry out political-based activities. This is accompanied by a broad and progressive interpretation by law enforcers to define political parties as corporations.]]>
<![CDATA[Kajian Korupsi sebagai Proses Sosial: Melacak Korupsi di Sektor Sumber Daya Alam di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Wigke Capri]]>;
<![CDATA[Devy Dhian Cahyati]]>;
<![CDATA[Mahesti Hasanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Dias Prasongko]]>;
<![CDATA[Wegik Prasetyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.730
<![CDATA[Corruption action develops way more advance compare to corruption studies in Indonesia. Corruption studies are mostly focusing on institutional corruption or using an institutional approach to understand corruption. This research offers to understand corruption better using actor-based and network approaches. Utilising social network analysis (SNA), researchers unpacking corrupt relational actors in natural resources, especially in oil and gas and forestry in Indonesia. We collected six important findings; corruption creates dependencies amongst actors; to be corrupt, an actor must have a strong network and resources that can offer and deliver multi-interests. Corrupt action is a repeated action that creates interlocking relations amongst actors. Interlocking relation serves as a safety belt for each chauffeur. Institutionalisation of corrupt networks only requires a strong corrupt network. The institutionalised corrupt networks shape a shortcut both for the private and public sectors-a short cut that makes bribery and exchange permits possible.]]>
<![CDATA[Efektifitas Masyarakat Sipil di Kenagarian Kab. Lima Puluh Kota dalam Mewujudkan Pemilihan Umum Demokratis ]]>
<![CDATA[Wendra Yunaldi Zainal]]>;
<![CDATA[Jasman Nazar]]>;
<![CDATA[Yenni Fitri Z]]>;
<![CDATA[Irwan Irwan]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.731
<![CDATA[The strength of civil society with cultural values as cultural awareness that characterizes the social order of Kenagarian Situjuah Batua and Kenagarian Sarilamak has the potential to determine the direction of democratic elections. This study aims to answer how the function, involvement and role of civil society in Kenagarian Kab. Fifty Cities carry out democratic general elections without money politics through democracy awareness movements based on customary values (local wisdom). With the KPK's strategic role in preventing the development of money politics in general elections, civil society groups play an important role together with the KPK in creating the implementation of democratic elections. Through a phenomenological approach with inductive analysis. The research found that civil society in Kenagarian Situjuah Batua, which is homogeneous and consistent with the customary system, is more effective in campaigning against money politics, compared to civil society in Kenagarian Sarilamak, whose community structure is heterogeneous. Referring to these two experiences, a custom-based cultural approach with the strength of respected community leaders has turned out to be very effective in creating anti-corruption groups in the midst of society. With the results of this study, efforts can be made to take an original cultural approach to prevent the growing use of money politics in the implementation of democratic elections.]]>
<![CDATA[Menciptakan Ruang Siber yang Kondusif bagi Pegiat Anti-Korupsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Wijayanto Wijayanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Hidayat Sardini]]>;
<![CDATA[Gita N. Elsitra]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.732
<![CDATA[This research aims to reflect cyber-terror cases in the anti-corruption movement by Indonesian scholars in protest against the revision of the KPK Law in September 2019 and formulates the alternative solutions for anti-corruption activists’ cyber safety in the digital era. Based on focus group discussion with anti-corruption scholar activists and digital ethnography, this research found that, in general, anti-corruption activist prone to cyber-terror, and it weakened their movement. For strengthening the anti-corruption movement in the digital era, this research formulated three alternative solutions, which are: 1) strengthening consolidation of civil society organizations; 2) supporting the formulation of comprehensive cyber regulations; and 3) implementing campus mitigation. Those solutions could be the foundation for fulfilling and guaranteeing anti-corruption activists’ digital rights, especially for the freedom of expression and right to be protected in cyber-space, which is crucial for digital democracy in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Paradigma Pendidikan Politik Antikorupsi dan Kesetaraan Gender di Partai Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Mirza Satria Buana]]>;
<![CDATA[Erlina Erlina]]>;
<![CDATA[Eka Yulia Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.733
<![CDATA[Political education for women politicians is ineffective because women are still considered merely as an ‘object’ to perpetuate patriarchy political dynasty. This study utilizes a legal inter-diciplinary methodology. It selects five political parties. Respondents are female politicians who have experiences on political education, anti-corruption and gender equality issues. Most of political parties are dependent with political figure as a ‘strong leader’. Political education’s curriculum is a doctrinization of parties’ political figures. It lacks of anti-corruption and gender equality perspectives. Reform should start from within by changing its paradigm into member-based mass political party, so political education can leverage female politicians.]]>
<![CDATA[Gereja dan Korupsi: Analisis Isi Khotbah (Content Analysis) Terkait Praktek Korupsi di Papua ]]>
<![CDATA[Hendrik Vallen Ayomi]]>;
<![CDATA[PRT. Paramma]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 1 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i1.734
<![CDATA[If the Church is perceived as a moral institution, then this institution should play a greater role in fighting corruption. However, the facts show the opposite which until now Papua is included in the list of the top ten most corrupt provinces, even though more than 80% of the population claims to be Christian. This study uses a content analysis approach. Researchers reduced the findings based on four levels categories, namely the equivalent word category, cognitive, affective, and conative. The results of this study indicate that the attention of church leaders to corruption issues is not a top priority.]]>
<![CDATA[Efektifkah Audit Forensik Dengan Dukungan Whistle-Blowing Digunakan Untuk Mendeteksi Suap? ]]>
<![CDATA[Eka Wirajuang Daurrohmah]]>;
<![CDATA[Dekar Urumsah]]>;
<![CDATA[Yuni Nustini]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 2 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i2.795
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to determine the effectiveness of forensic audits in detecting bribery with the support of whistleblowing. This qualitative research uses the phenomenological method with semi-structured interviews with 14 employees of Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan (BPK). This study reveals that bribery is hidden fraud, so whistleblowing can be used as the first, then can be carried out for forensic audit as long as valid and relevant. Detection of bribery using forensic audit is faster and easier because the procedures are focused, detailed and rigid. The conclusion is forensic audits effective in detecting bribery with the support of whistleblowing. Abstrak Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui efektivitas audit forensik dalam mendeteksi suap dengan dukungan whistleblowing. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode fenomenologi dengan teknik wawancara semi struktur kepada 14 orang pegawai Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan (BPK). Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa suap merupakan fraud yang hidden sehingga whistleblowing dapat dijadikan langkah awal terungkapnya suap, yang kemudian dapat dilakukan audit forensik selama valid dan relevan. Pendeteksian suap menggunakan audit forensik lebih cepat dan mudah karena dalam prosedurnya fokus, terperinci dan rigid. Maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa audit forensik efektif dalam mendeteksi suap dengan dukungan whistleblowing.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementasi Bantuan Sosial pada Era Pandemi Covid-19: Evaluasi Aspek Transparansi dan Akuntabilitas ]]>
<![CDATA[Dumilah Ayuningtyas]]>;
<![CDATA[Humaatul Islam]]>;
<![CDATA[Sahfira Ulfa Hasibuan]]>;
<![CDATA[Cindy Margaretha]]>;
<![CDATA[Naurah Naziihah]]>;
<![CDATA[Nisa'atul Maharanita Fitrianingrum]]>;
<![CDATA[Ayudina Larasanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Qurrata Ayuni]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 8 No 1 (2022): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v8i1.796
<![CDATA[The Covid-19 virus has spread worldwide at an alarming rate, infecting millions who are expecting government assistance during the pandemic. This research aimed to evaluate the distribution process of the social assistance provided by the Indonesian government during the Covid-19 pandemic. A quick online survey was conducted on 279 respondents from 12 provinces in Indonesia. Furthermore, interviews were also conducted with seven informants to strengthen the quick survey's results, a form of triangulation method. The results show that most respondents felt that the distribution of social assistance during the pandemic was not transparent and on target, partly due to separate budget allocations between several ministries, inaccurate data and unintegrated data. Strengthening the role of local government and increasing the involvement of community organizations as well as the flexibility to adjust the form and mechanism of social assistance, are the recommendations of this study.]]>
<![CDATA[Pilihan Publik Dalam Serial Kasus Korupsi Kepala Daerah ]]>
<![CDATA[Imam Fatkuroji]]>;
<![CDATA[Selvi Diana Meilinda]]>
<![CDATA[ Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 7 No 2 (2021): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ]]>
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DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v7i2.799
<![CDATA[This paper examines the public choice approach in the case of regional head’s corruption in Lampung Tengah (Mustafa) and the political process of the regional budget. The public choice study was executed due to the political limitations of the traditional development model. The meaning of the public choice approach in regional budget’s politic impacted to corruption slot for regional heads. The Mustafa's corruption case forced many actors to be investigated and also opened other cases. Findings show his corruption’s act linked to the private sector. A strong democratic environment is recommended to support increased action against corruption in the regions. Abstrak Tulisan ini melakukan telaah pendekatan pilihan publik dalam kasus korupsi kepala daerah di Lampung Tengah (Mustafa) dan proses politik anggaran daerahnya. Telaah pilihan publik dilakukan karena keterbatasan politik model pembangunan tradisional. Pemaknaan pendekatan pilihan publik dalam politik anggaran daerah berimplikasi pada terbukanya ruang korupsi bagi kepala daerah. Kasus korupsi Mustafa memaksa banyak aktor untuk diperiksa serta membuka kasus lainnya. Interaksi Mustafa sebagai kepala daerah yang memiliki kekuasaan besar dengan swasta ketika menjabat dan mencalonkan diri sebagai Gubernur Lampung. Lingkungan demokrasi yang kuat direkomendasikan untuk mendukung peningkatan tindakan melawan korupsi di daerah.]]>
