Andalas Journal of International Studies
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) is a journal published by Andalas Institute of International Studies (ASSIST) which contain research and analytical platform dedicated to a better understanding of International issues and aims to craft the alternatives in International Studies. AJIS focuses on publishing the original research articles related to International Studies, International Development, Internatinal Relations, Global Studies, Global political studies, Global Political Economy, diplomacy, global and local relations and others related topic to International Studies.
Articles
168 Documents
<![CDATA[Assessing Indian Ocean Economics: Perspective from Pakistan ]]>
<![CDATA[Zaeem Hassan Mehmood]]>;
<![CDATA[Ramla Khan]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.1-15.2021
<![CDATA[The Indian Ocean offers the “global commons” the sea lanes of communication that connects the East with the West. These SLOCs nurtures the global economic world by providing for a classical instance of ‘multilateral maritime matrix,’ whereby merchant ships are manufactured in one country, maintained and owned by another, underwritten by third, registered in fourth and crewed by subjects of another. In this regard, the strategic and commercial concerns of nation-states extends from its immediate maritime borders to the protection of chokepoints where merchandise is most vulnerable to array of contemporary security threats. The third largest ocean, since the cessation of bipolar hostilities after the end of the Cold War, has been integrated to global market economics to a critical extent whereby any interruptions to the established trade networks is likely to have a ‘shockwave effect’. The Indian Ocean is presaged to continue as a ‘central shipment pathway’ for regional and inter-continental trade in wide scope of commercial commodity items. The patterns observed in the region consists of up gradation of existing port infrastructure and developing export markets and resources based on blue economy would strengthen maritime ties. These transformations have the potential to permit the Indian Ocean to be the “strategic heart of the maritime world”. ]]>
<![CDATA[Minangkabau Matriliny and Gender Equality: Cultural Contribution to Sustainable Development Goals ]]>
<![CDATA[Putiviola Elian Nasir]]>;
<![CDATA[Abdul Halim]]>;
<![CDATA[Tanty Herida]]>;
<![CDATA[Silvi Cory]]>;
<![CDATA[Anita Afriani Sinulingga]]>;
<![CDATA[Aditya Mukhti]]>;
<![CDATA[Bunga Sri Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Faraytodi Gibran]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.16-33.2021
<![CDATA[The Minangkabau ethnic group is still the largest matrilineal society in the world. Past research on this ethnicity are mainly centralized on the concept of merantau (migration), on its adaptation after the enter of Islam, and on the gender role and position in Minangkabau society. This research aims to highlight the contribution of the Minangkabau matrilineal system to the local development of West Sumatra, specifically the gender equality goal of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); and to what extent if it were present. This research employed qualitative method, and data were collected through literature study and interview with national and local NGOs working in the field of women and development. This research discovered that theoretically, the Minangkabau matrilineal values can and should stimulate the gender equality SDGs achievement in West Sumatra. However, in reality, gender inequality still exists in West Sumatra with several SGD targets having wider gaps compared to other patrilineal societies in Indonesia. This research argues that by not wholly implementing the matrilineal values, the West Sumatran Minangkabau people has indirectly restrained themselves from achieving gender equality in the region, specifically related to violence and discrimination against women, also active participation of women in the economy and politics.]]>
<![CDATA[Mengapa Negosiasi Internasional Gagal? Menjelaskan Kegagalan Perundingan Denuklirisasi Amerika Serikat- Korea Utara 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Ayu Sabrina]]>;
<![CDATA[Annisa Antania Hanjani]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.34-50.2021
<![CDATA[This article aims to explain the failure of US-North Korea’s denuclearization negotiation in 2019. There has not been research on this topic. In general, existing literature proposes four factors that explain the failure of international negotiation, namely, actor, structure, strategy, and process. This article contributes to existing literature by adding another variable in explaining diplomatic failure. Using Charles Kupchan’s concept of unilateral accommodation, this article argues that the failure of US-North Korea’s denuclearization negotiation in 2019 is caused by the failure at the unilateral accommodation stage due to US distrust over North Korean’s commitment in dismantling its nuclear program. Despite the fact that North Korea has sent a positive signal to the US – for example by destroying its nuclear facilities and returning US prisoners of war and soldiers’ body – the US remains unfazed. This article demonstrates that the negotiation process is largely determined by the first stage in which each party gives concessions in order to create mutual trust.]]>
<![CDATA[The Cooperation of UNHCR and Indonesia on Afghan Refugee Handling in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurul Adhaniah]]>;
<![CDATA[Dudy Heryadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Deasy Silvya Sari]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.51-65.2021
<![CDATA[Afghan refugees are currently the largest number of refugees in Indonesia. As a country that has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, Indonesia does not have the right obligations and legal basis in dealing with refugee problems. Thus, Afghan refugees lose their basic human rights. Therefore, UNHCR and Indonesia must work together and share responsibilities in providing protection to refugees. The author uses the concept of refugees, international organizations and international cooperation to study secondary data that is collected and analyzed qualitatively. The data used relates to the condition of Afghan refugees in Indonesia, the role of UNHCR, and the collaborative process of UNHCR and the Indonesian government in handling Afghan refugees in Indonesia. This article finds that the work of UNHCR and the Government of Indonesia is carried out by adjusting actions through a policy coordination process and agreement on the scope of cooperation and setting an agenda that is in line with the objectives and programs to achieve temporary protection and empowerment of refugees. This cooperation results in the protection of the human rights of Afghan refugees, such as human rights at the shelter, other rights such as access to education for refugee children and transparency regarding the personal data of refugees registered in Indonesia for further empowerment solutions.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia Dijajah Lebih dari 300 Tahun? Memahami Penjajahan Sebagai Proses Transformasi Struktural ]]>
<![CDATA[Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.66-82.2021
<![CDATA[Despite its public popularity, the claim that Indonesia was colonized by the Dutch for more than 300 years is now considered by historians as a historical myth, established as an instrument for nation-building. This article argues that rather than simply judging the claim as myth, we must understand it more comprehensively by employing the framework of International Political Economy, especially the approach which put the entanglements of Capitalism and Colonialism at the center of its analysis. By understanding Colonialism-Imperialism as a process (or a set of processes) of structural transformation, this article contends that the claim that Indonesia had been colonized by the Dutch for more than 300 years has its own merit and must be further explored.]]>
<![CDATA[The Dilemma of Handling Asylum Seekers and Illegal Migrants: Expectation and Reality ]]>
<![CDATA[Marten Hanura]]>;
<![CDATA[Reni Windiani]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.83-98.2021
<![CDATA[The number of refugees and illegal migrants fleeing to Indonesia keeps growing significantly since Indonesia poses as a strategic place for a temporary stop before their main destination. This surely brings about predicaments to Indonesia. Against that background, this research aims toanswer the question of "How does the Indonesian government respond to the illegal migrant and refugees problem through the Immigration Detention Center (Rudenim) Semarang in Central Java?". This research is an explanatory research, where both primary and secondary data are used to support the findings. Through a qualitative approach, this research foundthat the government has responded to illegal migrant and refugees problems in a quite excellent manner such as the establishment of rumah detensi imigrasi (rudenim) or detention house and other forms of international cooperation. However, asylum seekers in Indonesia are not fully protected due to some factors such as the lack of regulation, the long-waiting period for the permanent placement and the lack of basic needs.Lastly, the situation only got worse because of the IOM and UNHCR support is still not optimal.]]>
<![CDATA[Bulan Madu yang Singkat: Mengapa Turki Mengubah Sikapnya terhadap Suriah Sejak Perang Sipil 2011? ]]>
<![CDATA[Alfiyan Nooryan Putra Pikoli]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 1 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, May 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.1.99-118.2021
<![CDATA[The Arab Spring phenomenon has a negative impact on security stability in the Middle East. One of them is triggering the Syrian civil war. The civil war, which was originally a domestic Syrian problem, then escalated to Turkish territory. In the end, it had a bad impact on the relationship between Turkey and Syria, which was good before the civil war began. This paper aims to analyze the causes of the change in Turkey's political attitude towards Syria, and the decision to intervene military in Syria. Previous studies have discussed much of Turkey's role as a peacemaker for the conflict. It did not specifically discuss the reasons behind Turkey's military intervention in Syria. With a securitization theory approach, this article identifies the existential threat factors faced by Turkey. Especially the speech act variable in this theory seeks to analyze the political statement of Turkish authorities. This study uses qualitative methods in providing causal explanations. This article identifies that the various threats faced by Turkey as implications of civil war cannot be separated from the role of the Bashar Assad regime in Syria. The main argument is the Assad regime in Syria is the main root of Turkey's various security problems. However, this article does not measure the effectiveness of Turkey's military approach to the threats it faces in Syria. The theory of securitization has limitations in carrying out this effectiveness analysis.]]>
<![CDATA[Tujuan Utama Pejuang Asing dalam Melawan ISIS di Suriah ]]>
<![CDATA[Falhan Hakiki]]>;
<![CDATA[Arfin Sudirman]]>;
<![CDATA[Dina Yulianti]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 2 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 10 No 2 November 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.2.1-15.119-136.2021
<![CDATA[ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) is a transnational terrorist organization that has carried out attacks in various countries so that it becomes a threat to the state and society. Initially, ISIS was based in Syria and Iraq and carried out a lot of violence there. ISIS recruits foreign fighters from various countries and is termed “jihadists”. On the other hand, the fight against ISIS is carried out by the state, militia, and foreign fighters. These foreign fighters came to Syria from various countries individually to fight ISIS. This research aims to answer research questions regarding the goals of foreign fighters in fighting ISIS. The research was conducted qualitatively by conducting interviews with a number of informants and then analyzed by coding techniques using Atlas.ti software. The findings of this study are that foreign fighters have individual, ethnic, religious, ideological goals, to stop the occupation, and to overthrow the government.]]>
<![CDATA[The New Zealand Foreign Policy (2015-2019): Feminist Approach on Global Peacekeeping ]]>
<![CDATA[Roagaswara, Adrian]]>;
<![CDATA[Adila, Anisa Nadiya]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 2 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 10 No 2 November 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.2.137-150.2021
<![CDATA[Feminism in international relations studies has brought new perspective with its focuses on women’s empowerment and gender equality. The adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 is a starting point of the world's attention on women’s active role in conflict and peace, encouraging UN member countries to participate in promoting Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). New Zealand, as the first self-governing country in the world to allow women suffrage in parliamentary elections, has been committed to promoting the WPS agenda, both in the region and globally. According to the Global Peace Index (GPI), New Zealand became the second most peaceful country in the world in the last few years. With no recent armed conflict and any external threats, New Zealand's National Action Plan (NAP) on the WPS agenda primarily focuses on external affairs. This article seeks to provide an analysis of how feminist values influence New Zealand’s foreign policy on peacekeeping efforts and its implications on global peace. Data shows that during the NAP implementation period (2015-2019), New Zealand has continuous improvement of GPI score, which is a measure of a country's level of peace. New Zealand's efforts to maintain world peace through its aid program to conflict-affected countries also have a relatively positive effect on the level of peace in these countries, as happened in Timor Leste and Papua New Guinea.]]>
<![CDATA[Difusi Norma Kerja Sama Keamanan ASEAN Melawan Perdagangan Manusia ]]>
<![CDATA[Pradityo, Rahmadanu]]>;
<![CDATA[Fajrilla Sidiq, Mabda Haerunnisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Kurniawan, Yandry]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 10, No 2 (2021): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 10 No 2 November 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.10.2.151-170.2021
<![CDATA[The United Nations (UN) ratified the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNCTOC) in 2000 as the norm for international security cooperation in addressing transnational crimes that threaten the global security. Transnational crimes include human trafficking that involves a wide range of criminal organizations and networks. Therefore, ASEAN also refers to UNCTOC and the Trafficking in Person (TIP) Protocol in overcoming transnational crimes, especially the fight against human trafficking. This paper proposes questions ASEAN's attitude to not adopt all UNCTOC norms and Trafficking in Person Protocol in the ASEAN Convention on Trafficking in Person, Especially Women and Children (ACTIP). This paper uses qualitative research methods and norm diffusion theory as the analytical framework. This study found that ASEAN did not fully adopt external norms because there were parts that were not in accordance with ASEAN's internal norms, so that ASEAN made adjustments between external norms and ASEAN internal norms in the formation of ACTIP which referred to ASEAN's cognitive priors, so that ACTIP became the security cooperation norms with human rights element.]]>
